Volume 13 - Issue 73
/ January 2024
31
http:// www.amazoniainvestiga.info ISSN 2322- 6307
DOI: https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2024.73.01.3
How to Cite:
Alcívar-Trejo, C., Albert-Márquez, J., Alfonso-Caveda, D., & Vergara-Romero, A. (2024). The new political marketing, or
ideology of buen vivir. Amazonia Investiga, 13(73), 31-40. https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2024.73.01.3
The new political marketing, or ideology of buen vivir
El nuevo marketing político o ideología del buen vivir
Received: December 1, 2023 Accepted: January 19, 2024
Written by:
Carlos Alcívar-Trejo1
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2937-1417
José Albert-Márquez2
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9901-4194
Duniesky Alfonso-Caveda3
https://orcid.org/0009-0003-3006-7484
Arnaldo Vergara-Romero4
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8503-3685
Abstract
The present investigation constitutes a review
and reflection of the new behaviors of political
organization and alternative laws that are
developing in South American countries, in
which we expose various perspectives from
which we carry out the theoretical description of
old and new concepts, socio-historical and
culture-politics. Concerning the theories and
ideas built to interpret them, these force us to
focus our gaze on those institutions, discourses,
strategies, and procedures that were traditionally
part of the understanding of what politics and law
were. This relation is why, in the face of
disenchantment or loss of faith in politics, in our
opinion, explanations cannot continue to be
constructed that insist on the distances between
rulers and the governed, on the crisis of
institutions, or the triumph of individualism, in
the current era.
Therefore, it is necessary to reflect on how
technological advancement can lead to a false
premise about the ease of political marketing and
the impact it has had in Ecuador in recent years,
including the application of technology and the
1
Candidato a Doctor en Ciencias Sociales y Jurídicas, Docente de la Facultad de Derecho y Gobernabilidad, Universidad Ecotec.,
Samborondón-Ecuador. WoS Researcher ID: JWA-2605-2024
2
Doctor en Ciencias Sociales y Jurídicas, Docente de la Facultad de Derecho y CC.EE. y Empresariales, Universidad de Córdoba,
Córdoba-España. WoS Researcher ID: AAA-4356-2019
3
Doctor en Ciencias Pedagógicas, Docente-Investigador, Universidad Bolivariana del Ecuador, Durán-Ecuador.
WoS Researcher ID: EQE-0931-2022
4
Candidato a Doctor en Ciencias Sociales y Jurídicas, Investigador, Universidad Bolivariana del Ecuador, Durán-Ecuador. (Autor de
correspondencia) WoS Researcher ID: AFZ-6330-2022
32
www.amazoniainvestiga.info ISSN 2322- 6307
design of propaganda as a resource to reach the
population and position itself as a political brand.
Keywords: Political marketing, buen vivir, XXI
century, politics, democracy.
Introduction
The present investigation constitutes a review
and reflection of the new behaviors of political
organization and alternative laws that are
developing in South American countries, in
which we expose various perspectives from
which we carry out the theoretical description of
old and new concepts, socio-historical and
culture-politics and a new political trend, such as
“21st Century Socialism” was and is. Concerning
the theories and ideas built to interpret them,
these force us to focus our gaze on those
institutions, discourses, strategies, and
procedures that were traditionally part of the
understanding of what politics and law were.
This relation is why, in the face of
disenchantment or loss of faith in politics, in our
opinion, explanations cannot continue to be
constructed that insist on the distances between
rulers and the governed, on the crisis of
institutions, or the triumph of individualism, in
the current era.
Therefore, it is necessary to reflect on how
technological advancement can lead to a false
premise about the ease of political marketing and
the impact it has had in Ecuador in recent years,
including the application of technology and the
design of propaganda as a resource to reach the
population and position itself as a political brand
(Macas-Acosta et al., 2022; Ochoa-Rico et al.,
2022; Salvador-Guerra et al., 2023).
Political marketing constitutes a fundamental
part of current processes; it transforms and
overcomes paradigms created over time to build
tactics and strategies that meet goals and
objectives that lead to business, work, and
political success. Marketing must be balanced so
that both parties have the benefit or gain as
participants in the management.
In this way, electoral success has depended not
only on introductory offers, such as the
construction of homes and schools, but also on
restoring and reforming political processes that
did not allow the advancement or strengthening
of the country. This introduction is how
marketing is currently presented as one of the
commercial communication activities many
companies are dedicating the most significant
investment, even above advertising investment in
conventional media. Almond & Verba (2015)
and Keman (2006) divide political support
attitudes according to their association with the
system, processes, and outcomes. At a systemic
level, there would be those related to the political
regime itself (legitimacy) and those that reflect
the values and support of citizens for the
institutions, for example, national pride,
obedience and adherence to the law, and the
preferred political system. Regarding processes,
we are interested in attitudes that reflect the
commitment of individuals to the decision-
making process and their expectations regarding
the performance and work of their
representatives. Finally, attitudes related to
results refer to evaluating the agencies and
processes involved in the election and selection
of public figures and their effectiveness in
developing and executing public policies; this
includes feelings about voting trust in political
parties, among others. Dover (2009) and Norris
(2011) conceptualize “political support” by
distinguishing the differences between support
for the political community, the regime, and the
authorities in five dimensions that are distributed
on a continuum that ranges from more diffuse
support for the nation-state to a more specific
one, to politicians in particular:
• Support for the political community refers to
the level of attachment to the nation
regardless of the political system.
• Support for the regime's principles related to
the democratic ideal and democratic values
among the population.
• Evaluation of the regime's performance, that
is, the degree of satisfaction with the
functioning of the political system.
• Support for the institutions of the democratic
system (Government, parliament, justice
system, state bureaucracy, political parties,
police and military).
• Support for political actors is associated with
the evaluation and trust generated by
politicians and authorities.
In the case of Latin America, trust in the
institutions of democracy represents one of the
most relevant elements in social and political
analysis, especially since the democratic
transition of the 1980s. Political instability was a
Alcívar-Trejo, C., Albert-Márquez, J., Alfonso-Caveda, D., Vergara-Romero, A. / Volume 13 - Issue 73: 31-40 / January, 2024
Volume 13 - Issue 73
/ January 2024
33
http:// www.amazoniainvestiga.info ISSN 2322- 6307
constant in the region during the last two decades
of the 20th century and the first of the 21st. Proof
of this is that of the 113 governments elected
until 2010, only 15 could not fully complete their
period (Becerra, 2013). On the other hand, at the
end of the first decade of this century, numerous
political and economic factors seemed to
contribute to the formation of a promising
regional scenario: a) the emergence of new
movements and government experiences, b) the
recognition of sectors of the population
previously discriminated against; c) a greater
concentration of power in the executive
(presidential); d) general acceptance of the
urgency of eradicating poverty and inequality; e)
a general questioning of the Washington
consensus; f) the emergence of a regional power
with global influence; and g) recognition of the
need for practical regional cooperation and
integration schemes (OEA, 2010).
This article aims to analyze political marketing to
influence positive law and its impact on the
sociopolitical reality of the last ten years in
Ecuador as a generator of a new political trend
(21st Century Socialism).
Methodology
The research is qualitative, taking as reference a
descriptive analysis of the analysis of political
marketing in the use of new populist messages
that cemented new forms of popular
governments of the 21st century in Argentina-
Venezuela-Bolivia-Ecuador and the method
involves the structuring of a system of political-
socioeconomic indicators of the area, which
constitutes the source of information.
The second objective is specified in the
sociopolitical effects and their types of behavior,
produced by political marketing in the positive
law of Ecuador, to verify the use of political
discourse as a tool of the new way of governing
21st Century Socialism.
Concerning the use of political speech, in the
context of the right to regulation of the media and
the legal rules on freedom of expression, such as
the political influence of the State that influences
the behavior of millions of people, it will be
possible to identify the use of political discourse
and its sociopolitical effects, in 21st Century
Socialism in Ecuador, which corresponds to what
was stated in the objective of this research.
Once analyzed, what is the content of the right to
regulation of the media and freedom of
expression, from the legal-philosophical level,
from the point of view of law, according to
several authors?
It raised the objective, and a series of
documentary reviews were used; the first was a
review of classics on the object of study, and the
second was in books specialized in politics,
discursive communication, and law. Likewise,
the third review was of scientific articles indexed
in MIAR greater than 6, Scopus, and Web of
Science. The keywords to search for documents
were "New Political Marketing", "Buen Vivir,"
and "Political Marketing.
Results and discussion
As a result, four points that encompass the
systemic analysis of the object to be treated and
to meet the objective will be analyzed.
Political Marketing as a Tool of 21st Century
Socialism
We will begin the theoretical journey on the topic
under study, discussing marketing as the genesis
of creating marketing in different areas for which
political marketing can be defined as a discipline
somewhat discredited and misunderstood in
America. Latin, not only in the epistemic field
but also by the political class itself, mainly that
of the “old guard,” as well as by different social
groups. For some, the term marketing has a note
of manipulation, deception, or deceit or, at best,
superficiality, form, packaging, or banality. For
its part, the term politics, for many citizens, is
also synonymous with lies, tricks, abuse, and
even corruption or negativity.
Combining both terms shows that with the single
name this scientific discipline has acquired, it
acquires a double connotation with a sharp
negative imprint. Hence, some of its critics have
described it as “a cynical way of lying to people
to gain or retain power.” Since its baptism and
birth, this discipline has inherited a negative
image or perception in specific social sectors,
associating it with deception and lies.
In the same way as a science that Political
Marketing is shown to be, its consideration is
based on several methods, one of them Scientific.
In recent decades, the scientific method has
become the standard of behavior in everything
related to technology and the population's daily
activities.
In the context of transformations from neoliberal
capitalism to a self-proclaimed progressive
government, the historical dimension of the State
34
www.amazoniainvestiga.info ISSN 2322- 6307
is marked by acts of feminist protest, embodied
belligerent struggles that seek to disrupt the
sexual common sense of state hegemony (Calla,
2007). It is paradoxical that the language of
rights, spread during the nineties of the neoliberal
boom, loses ground precisely within the
framework of 21st Century Socialism. There is,
therefore, an inequality in the passage of history:
on the one hand, feminists broaden the
framework of their claim’s horizons in the
official public sphere, as well as in generalized
common sense; on the other, the Executive
power retreats to a nationalism of paternalistic
estate inheritance, allowing itself to be guided by
ultra-religious conservatism.
Caria & Domínguez Martín (2014) mentions that
“ideology is an illusion of satisfaction of
childhood desire, represented by the mother (as a
symbol of liberation from need), in the face of the
harsh reality, represented by the father (as a
symbol of domination, sublimation, and
resignation). False consciousness, which is the
link between the two research programs
(psychoanalysis), consists in the fact that reality
stops being what it is and becomes what it should
be, or rather, what we would like. That was.
Finally, Marcuse (2013) will go one step further
by stating that false consciousness (in capitalism)
ends up becoming true consciousness through
magical-ritual performative formulas, immune to
contradiction and with a high authoritarian load:
ideology, internalized to the complete alienation
of Orwellian newspeak, it is thus constructed
with tautological, dualistic definitions that
pronounce condemnations of good/bad and
right/wrong.”
Since the beginning of the 21st century, social
movements and organizations with diverse
identities and structures began integrating into
this new social and political fabric.
Reincorporating the popular sectors into active
political and economic life generated greater
social inclusion in financial terms and positive
social mobility.
However, this impact has favored not only the
popular sectors but also social mobility, which,
in turn, produced a significant expansion of the
middle sectors that saw their options for social
advancement multiplied (Acosta Espinosa,
2011).
The political discourse of socialism in the 21st
century
It is a proposal that arises from practice rather
than being the result of the reflection of one or
several authorized left-wing intellectuals (Borón,
2008). In such a way, the Constitutions of the
political processes came to power at the
beginning of the 21st century. From this
perspective, as García Linera (2015) points out,
one of the main contributions of the Greek-
French sociologist Nicos Poulantzas is to rethink
the importance of the State as a space or field of
condensation or processing of the relations of
forces between different classes, within society.
For this reason, they are not only official or
professional politicians but also politicians
involved in politics. If speech controls minds and
minds control action, for those in power,
controlling speech is essential. Above all,
discourse must be analyzed not only as an
autonomous "verbal" object but also as a situated
interaction, as a social practice, or as a type of
communication that occurs in a social, cultural,
historical, or political situation.
How those in power regulate access to expression
must be closely examined, as is typically
observed in the case of one of the most influential
forms of public discourse: mass media. In all
these cases, we are talking about active access,
that is, participation in the control of the contents
and forms of the media, and not about the more
or less passive access of consumers (even when
these consumers may actively resist the messages
from the press adopting interpretations different
from those that are intended to be imposed on
them (Van Dijk, 2009). Political cognition is an
indispensable theoretical interface between
politics and political discourse's personal and
collective dimensions (Van Dijk, 2009).
Therefore, we must observe that. “The study of
political discourse should not be limited to the
structural properties of the text or speech itself;
“It also includes a systematic account of context
and its relations to discursive structures.” (Van
Dijk & Rodrigo Mendizábal, 1999)
In this way and following Lakoff's principle,
"The issues can be characterized by being
polarized evaluations, which is functional and
effective in the political process, and in the battle
for hegemony, support, and popular legitimacy."
The general strategic principle of all political and
ideological discourse is the frame (a theory
developed extensively and deeply by Lakoff),
“which refers to the political-ideological
frameworks that limit speech and the political
text and its evaluation.” (Lakoff & Johnson,
2020).
Volume 13 - Issue 73
/ January 2024
35
http:// www.amazoniainvestiga.info ISSN 2322- 6307
“The most determining thing in political
discourse is the structures and strategies of
argumentation, in which the political dispute
over semantic macrostructures occurs. The
meanings, in turn, reflect the political contexts,
whose polarization will generally result in
contrastive meanings” (Van Dijk & Rodrigo
Mendizábal, 1999).
We can observe that the strategy of the speech
will always be to convince, as is the case of the
different speeches used by the candidacy led by
Iglesias (Leader of PODEMOS), “who has not
achieved millions of votes just for what he
proposes, but above all for what he criticizes and
for the skill with which he does it, the skill with
which he articulates and issues his political
discourse.” As Gómez Fernández (1995) points
out, "politics becomes a field where the way of
doing things is as important as what is done."
Following Laclau, “in its (Gramscian) adaptation
to our time, this model indicates that in a context
of social, political and economic crisis, taking
into account the unsatisfied demands of all kinds
proliferate, populism serves as a logic of
articulation of discourse, as an instrument to
dispute hegemony in political struggles, and this
is the strategy used by both leaders and
movements in their fight to conquer political
power; through the construction of collective
identities, the importance of “floating signifiers”,
as well as “the construction of popular unity
through the political channeling of majority
social demands, that is, the need for a “social
cement”. These “try to unite the heterogeneous
elements – a unit that is not provided for by any
functionalist or structuralist articulatory logic –
giving centrality to the emotional aspect in the
social constitution” (Laclau, 2005).
In the set of sustainable development discourses
articulated by Latin American authors, one of the
emerging discourses in the last five years is
“Good living.” This discourse is part of the
global discursive field of sustainable
development since it considers the fundamental
problem of sustainability (the relationship of
mutual dependence between humanity and the
environment) in a specific way. As we will see,
as the installation of this new discourse in the
regulatory landscape and certain sociopolitical
practices is confirmed, its content diversifies.
Thus, it became a sub-field in the global
discursive field of sustainable development, a
subcategory that includes a series of more or less
analogous discourses constructed by the
communities that have adopted and adapted it
(Hidalgo-Capitán & Cubillo-Guevara, 2014;
Cubillo-Guevara et al., 2014; Gudynas, 2011).
The discourses of Good Living appear in Latin
America, favored by a unique historical situation.
In the 1990s, faced with the neoliberal
orientation of post-authoritarian governments,
different sociopolitical movements emerged in
several Latin American countries
(Hidalgo-Capitán, 2012; Loera González, 2015).
Although these processes are very complex, and
it would be necessary to clarify the situations in
different countries, it is admitted that they
marked a historical turn towards “progressive” or
“post-neoliberal” policies (Yashar, 2005).
According to Eduardo Gudynas and
Alberto Acosta, Good Living can be defined
(very openly) as an “opportunity to build another
society based on the coexistence of human beings
in diversity and harmony with nature, based on
the recognition of the various existing cultural
values.” in each country and the world”
(Gudynas & Acosta, 2011). As an alternative
discourse to the dominant versions of
development, it is the result of a particular
combination between (1) certain ethical
principles of the ancient Andean culture
(defended by indigenous movements), (2) the
contemporary contributions of some critical
intellectuals and (3) the liminal incorporation of
these principles in the political sphere, which is
particularly visible in Ecuador and Bolivia,
which included Good Living in their new
constitutions.
Returning to García Linera in this reading on 21st
Century socialism, we can say then that the
popular struggles displayed their intensity within
the State, modifying the relations of force,
transforming the materiality of its legislation,
altering the way of managing common goods and
modifying the moral and logical schemes with
which people organize their presence in the
world.
In the regional context of an anti-imperialist post-
neoliberal nationalism that seeks to expel foreign
powers to regain control of its resources to
promote national development, Ecuador raises
the discourse of return to the great homeland.
More than an ambiguity, the constitutional
discourse points out the unresolved battle for
constructing common sense, the naturalization of
powers. That is where the disputes for hegemony
lie. Liberal democracy is based not exclusively
on capital accumulation but, inevitably, on the set
of values and beliefs that make faith in the
36
www.amazoniainvestiga.info ISSN 2322- 6307
existence of the State possible, making it
function. The State is, above all, a cultural
construction crossed by a sentiment widely
spread by religious schools. As such, it is based
on a series of discourses of truth: documents,
laws, enactments, proclamations,
pronouncements, routines, rituals, and
ceremonies that point to its sustainability (Lagos
& Calla, 2007).
The new Latin American left zones of 21st-
century socialism
The reflections of Pablo Stefanoni (2016) are
highly significant and current. These
considerations will allow us to draw a description
and analysis of the South American experiences
of 21st-century Socialism. In this sense, we will
try to outline three fundamental points following
the common thread of the author's thoughts: a)
the character of pink leftists, b) the popular
nationalism inserted in them, and c) some
features of the leadership.
First, it should be noted that according to our
author: “…in Latin America, a kind of new left
emerged that, especially within the framework of
the Bolivarian Alliance for Our America
(ALBA), combined reformist practices with
revolutionary discourse, in variable
combinations". Who showed a great capacity to
generate powerful political-social stories, but
also faced a series of problems linked to the
exercise of power that derived from that
constitutive ambiguity - which is not new -
between democracy and revolution" Stefanoni
(2016).
Regarding the “pink” character in the
experiences of South American socialism, it is
pointed out that “…the expression pink tide, used
in the United States to refer to the so-called
regional 'turn to the left', has the advantage of
synthesizing, with that discolored red, the
tensions between the survival of discourse - and
a will? -of radical change and the (realpolitik)
with which its representatives served in power,
from where they experienced the sensation of
governing in a hostile world, in which state
control is not enough to carry out the political and
social changes that in other decades were
perceived as closer, when the 'wind of history'
had not yet dissipated and seemed to guarantee
the arrival, sooner or later - and it was often
added, 'sooner rather than later' - to a successful
port; that is, to a more just world” Stefanoni
(2016).
Stefanoni points out that “… the turn to the left
could be associated with a consumer pact
(internal market), an inclusion pact (social
policies) and a sovereignty pact (independence
from the United States, new international
alignments) that, in various degrees, they dye all
'pink' experiences and established new common
senses that condition conservative oppositions
and force them to include, with or without faith,
these topics in their agendas” Stefanoni (2016).
Referring to popular nationalism in the
experiences analyzed, Stefanoni states that “if
socialism ('of the 21st century') has returned to
the agenda, it is thought of as a deepening of
nationalism; a kind of posthumous triumph for
the national left of Jorge Abelardo Ramos.
Hence, the socialism of the 21st century is more
of a state product than a socializing product and
will take the form of left-wing populism”
Stefanoni (2016).
He concludes: “It is not that there is no
production of radical anti-systemic thought, even
in a Marxist key, but that thought is increasingly
cryptic, disconnected from political struggles and
produced very far from the spaces where political
and social actors are constituted” (Stefanoni
2016).
Considering Atilo Borón's definition, this author
maintains that “whoever wants to talk about
development today has to be willing to talk about
socialism; and if you do not want to talk about
socialism, you should remain silent when talking
about economic development” (Borón, 2008). “It
refers to the fact that the capitalist route to
development is closed and that it is necessary to
create a new one, given that within capitalism,
there is no solution to the multiple problems of
Latin America. Borón (2008) concludes that “If
there is a solution – and if we have time to find a
solution, given the threat of ecological holocaust
that looms over the planet –we will have to look
for it outside of capitalism, in the field of
socialism.” Thus, “from this observation this
author proposes to develop a definition of the
socialist horizon and he does so through a
tripartite reflection: the modular values and
principles, the project program and the historical
subject of that project” (Borón, 2004).
“Modular values and principles. The first thing
that must be affirmed in this regard is the
unquestionable ethical superiority of socialism
concerning capitalism. Indeed, socialism is a
superior form of civilization, given the
predominance of values such as altruism,
solidarity, democracy, respect for nature, and
Volume 13 - Issue 73
/ January 2024
37
http:// www.amazoniainvestiga.info ISSN 2322- 6307
appreciation of socio-diversity, among others.
Then, it would have to be said that the axiological
apparatus of 21st-century socialism is built on an
affirmation and a denial: the first refers to
overcoming the economistic vision. At the same
time, the second relates to anti-values that should
not be assumed. Regarding the abolition of
economism, it is clear that the fundamental value
is the person, and, in this sense, the economy
must be at the service of the person and not the
person at the service of the economy, as has
happened until now with capitalism.
“This implies assuming two fundamental values:
solidarity between people and respect for nature.
Regarding the anti-values that should not be
assumed, Lebowitz (2006), cited by Borón
(2008), maintains that they are the following:
statism, populism, totalitarianism, the idolatry of
technology and, finally, resignation before the
logic of capital”.
Although the values presented embody the
socialist ideal and constitute the mobilizing
utopia of socialism, the truth is that every
ideology must have concrete supports that
become historically and truly visible in a project
of social transformation. If this were not the case,
21st-century socialism would risk being
relegated to the realm of ideas stripped of all
practical resonance. Thus, this project must
assume at least two major programs. The first
refers to economic planning that adjusts to Latin
America's concrete and particular needs
(especially to the circumstances of each country
in its here and now). Nothing indicates that
foreign models should be imitated. For example,
today, nothing would justify a centralized
scheme of direction and control of economic life
and, much less, its complete nationalization, as
occurred at the time in the Soviet Union, since
this would favor the predominance of the
bureaucracy and the consolidation of its interests.
The second program refers to breaking the
“single thought” that mythologizes socialism and
conceives it as a monolithic, dogmatic, and static
system applicable anywhere in the world and at
any time in history.
On the contrary, today, a different socialism is
needed, capable of reinventing itself, creating
new realities, making new alliances, and
breaking old schemes. In effect”, “Clinging to an
old model, even if it has been successful in the
past when the conditions that made it possible
and reasonable have been extinguished, is
equivalent to embarking on a path that inexorably
culminates in a major and painful failure”
(Borón, 2008). For this reason, Mariátegui states:
“We certainly do not want socialism in America
to be a carbon copy. It must be a heroic creation.
We must give life to Indo-American socialism
with our reality, in our language. Here is a
mission worthy of a new generation” (1952).
Socialism of the Ecuadorian 21st century:
Political marketing or ideology of Buen Vivir?
Political marketing tools effectively seek to
modify electoral behavior, which requires two
consecutive phases: notoriety and adhesion.
“The concept of good living has aroused much
interest within and outside the borders of the
Andean context in which it emerged.”
(SENPLADES, 2013), following (Walsh, 2010),
“is to unravel the interpretation and application
of the paradigm of good living as a guiding
principle of a (supposed) new regime” that
“opens the door to formulate alternatives to
development” (Acosta Espinosa, 2011) "beyond
development" (Gudynas & Acosta, 2011)
Considering that "the Government of the Citizen
Revolution, collecting the approaches of the
Andean-Amazonian peoples, raises the notion of
good living as a central objective of public policy
» (SENPLADES, 2013), “we will focus on
analyzing how and to what extent the principles
of good living are used as a reference in the
construction and articulation of the different
public policies of Ecuador.”
In the preamble of the Constitution of the
Republic, the objective of the constituent
National Assembly is set: to build "a new form of
citizen coexistence, in diversity and harmony
with nature, to achieve good living, the Sumak
Kawsay" (Constitution of Ecuador, 2008).
“Good living, also defined as “new social pact”
or “new coexistence pact” (Ramírez Gallegos,
2010), “implies a comprehensive vision of the
human being and integrates the material and
spiritual aspects of well-being. It is identified
with “life in its fullness” (Ramírez Gallegos,
2010) as balance and harmony between the
different dimensions of the human being. Good
living is "the need to live in harmony with nature,
oneself and others, recognizing cultural
diversity."
Considering this and taking the definition of
Sousa (2014), “it is not necessary to resort to
convoluted socio-anthropological-postcolonial
analyses. Simply put, in a country characterized
by high levels of inequality and exclusion, the
policies of transferring resources to marginalized
sectors and modernizing an old and inefficient
institutional apparatus have had the effect of a
38
www.amazoniainvestiga.info ISSN 2322- 6307
revolution and have made it possible to
compensate for the postponement and
degradation of the other constitutive dimension
of Good Living: the environmental one. The
question is whether it was and is necessary to
embellish and embellish a project of this nature
with all the poetry of good living", that "vigorous
spirit that drives learning and improvement" and
"is present in love, in friendship, in fraternity, in
solidarity and harmony with nature" (Senplades,
2013)
According to Dieterich (2006), “The historical
moment to build and implement 21st-century
socialism has already arrived since the bourgeois
civilization on which the capitalist system is
based is ending. This finding is based on
scientific and ethical knowledge that
demonstrates that the classic phase of the
bourgeoisie, which began at the end of the
Second World War and reached its most evolved
configuration, marks, at the same time, its
decline towards post-capitalist civilization. In
particular, three pieces of evidence show this:
1. The structural exhaustion of the basic
institutions of the bourgeois system; 2. the
appearance of constitutive structures within the
new post-bourgeois civilization in contemporary
global society; and 3. the logic of the social
evolution of humanity”.
Conclusions
The emergence of political marketing in Western
democracies has turned them into another market
for capitalism and the consumer society,
transforming the citizen into a consumer and
politicians and programs into products for sale.
With this, the entire democracy has undergone a
profound modification, some of whose features
we have wanted to highlight. The
professionalization of the political class, the
reduction of parties to a power apparatus advised
by a team of experts, and the predominance of
personal ambition and self-interest as the origin
of the political vocation.
In the political field, socioeconomic imbalances
could further weaken the acceptance of the
model, even by business sectors. Both private
and public law, specifically, will be linked to the
exploitation and hegemony of political
marketing.
Marketing as a way of creating discourse in the
mediatization of politics requires a specific
adaptation of the political message, considering
that the media act as a sounding board for
political communication.
The bourgeoisie that dominated Latin America
was responsible for generating new political
trends, as events and circumstances have been
presented that clearly show that capitalism, and
more specifically neoliberalism, is an
unsustainable and decadent system that must
give way to a new reality: socialism of the 21st
century.
The potential of Good Living lies in its ability to
interact with these pre-existing cultural,
sociopolitical, and economic arrangements and
with the other discourses that have drawn the
bifurcated paths of sustainable development for
more than 40 years.
We can observe that these governments, with the
political ideal of 21st Century Socialism in the
region, present the severe problem of progressive
and revolutionary governments concerning their
ethical and moral reform. However, the return of
Cristina Fernández de Kirchner to Argentina
seems somewhat debatable.
The construction of our vision of the social world
is the product of struggles for the imposition of a
principle of vision and division - as Bourdieu
maintains - in which the media space is
fundamental. The cosmopolitanism derived from
this economic, technological, and sociocultural
situation is not exclusive to the dominant classes,
and anthropology occupies a privileged position
to explore how various groups incorporate a
“global ecumene” and its effects on our political
structures. and our democratizing project.
In politics, 21st Century Socialism has used the
media's most powerful tools and the reach of
solid, consistent discourse with great social
acceptance.
Bibliographic references
Acosta Espinosa, A. (2011). Riesgos y amenazas
para el Buen Vivir (Tema Central). En:
Ecuador Debate. Acerca del Buen Vivir.
Quito: Centro Andino de Acción Popular
CAAP, (no. 84, diciembre 2011), 51-55.
https://acortar.link/NjXW3U
Almond, G. A., & Verba, S. (2015). The civic
culture: Political attitudes and democracy in
five nations. Princeton University Press.
https://acortar.link/pL9j04
Becerra, G. (2013). La nueva izquierda
latinoamericana: el caso del pda* Síntesis de
una investigación. Criterio Jurídico
Garantista, 5(8).
http://dx.doi.org/10.26564/21453381.415
Volume 13 - Issue 73
/ January 2024
39
http:// www.amazoniainvestiga.info ISSN 2322- 6307
Borón, A. (2004). La izquierda latinoamericana a
comienzos del siglo XXI: nuevas realidades y
urgentes desafíos. Observatorio Social de
América Latina, 5(13).
https://acortar.link/JnUh9a
Borón, A. A. (2008). Socialismo siglo XXI: ¿hay
vida después del neoliberalismo?.
Luxemburg.
https://ri.conicet.gov.ar/handle/11336/19324
5
Caria, S., & Domínguez Martín, R. (2014). El
porvenir de una ilusión: la ideología del Buen
Vivir. América Latina Hoy, 67, 139-163.
http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142300
Constitution of Ecuador (2008). Constitución de
la República del Ecuador 2008. Asamblea
Nacional, Registro Oficial 449 de 20-oct-
2008.
https://www.oas.org/juridico/pdfs/mesicic4_
ecu_const.pdf
Cubillo-Guevara, A. P., Hidalgo-Capitán, A. L.,
& Domínguez-Gómez, J. A. (2014). El
pensamiento sobre el Buen Vivir. Entre el
indigenismo, el socialismo y el
posdesarrollismo. Revista del CLAD Reforma
y Democracia, (60), 27-58.
https://www.redalyc.org/pdf/3575/35753369
2002.pdf
Dieterich, S. H. (2006). El Socialismo del siglo
XXI. Berlín: Gegenstandpunkt (Versión en
español) disponible en:
http://llibertatsolidaria.pangea.org/El_Sociali
smo_del_Siglo_ XXI.pdf
Dover, A. (2009). Teaching for Social Justice
and K-12 Student Outcomes: A Conceptual
Framework and Research Review. Equity
and Excellence in Education, 42(4), 506-524.
García Linera, Á. (2015). El Estado y la vía
democrática al socialismo. Nueva Sociedad,
259(4), 143-161.
https://biblat.unam.mx/hevila/Nuevasocieda
d/2015/no259/13.pdf
Gómez Fernández, P. (1995). El marketing
político: más allá de la publicidad y las
encuestas. Muñoz-Alonso, A. & Rospir, JI
(1995). Comunicación Política. Madrid:
Editorial Universitas. ISBN: 9788479910396
Gudynas, E., & Acosta, A. (2011). El buen vivir
o la disolución de la idea del progreso. La
medición del progreso y del bienestar:
propuestas desde América Latina. Mexico
City: Foro Consultivo Científico y
Tecnológico.
Gudynas, E. (2011). Buen vivir: Germinando
alternativas al desarrollo. América Latina en
movimiento, 462, 1-20.
https://acortar.link/fdsf1c
Hidalgo-Capitán, A. L. (2012). Economía
política del desarrollo y el subdesarrollo.
Revisitando la Teoría de la Dependencia.
Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios de
Desarrollo. Iberoamerican Journal of
Development Studies, 1(1), 5-27.
Hidalgo-Capitán, A.L., & Cubillo-Guevara, A.P.
(2014). Seis debates abiertos sobre el sumak
kawsay. Íconos-Revista de Ciencias Sociales,
(48), 25-40.
https://doi.org/10.17141/iconos.48.2014.120
4
Keman, H. (2006). Comparing political systems:
Towards positive theory development.
(Working Papers Political Science; No.
2006/01). Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam.
https://acortar.link/PhjLpy
Lagos, M. L., & Calla, P. (Eds.). (2007).
Antropología del estado: dominación y
prácticas contestatorias en América Latina
(Vol. 23). Plural Editores.
https://acortar.link/wLbYPV
Lakoff, G., & Johnson, M. (2020). Conceptual
metaphor in everyday language. In Shaping
entrepreneurship research (pp. 475-504).
Routledge. ISBN 9781315161921
Lebowitz, M. A. (2006). Build it now: Socialism
for the twenty-first century. NYU Press.
ISBN: 9781583671450.
Laclau, E. (2005). La razón populista. Buenos
Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica de
Argentina S.
Loera González, J. (2015). La construcción de
los buenos vivires; entre los márgenes y
tensiones ontológicas. Polis, 40.
http://journals.openedition.org/polis/10654
Macas-Acosta, G., Macas-Lituma, G., &
Vergara-Romero, A. (2022). The Internal and
External Factors That Determined Private
Investment in Ecuador 2007–2020.
Economies, 10(10), 248.
https://doi.org/10.3390/economies10100248
Marcuse, H. (2013). El hombre unidimensional
Ensayo sobre la ideología de la sociedad.
Editorial Ariel.
http://esteticaposmo.mx.tripod.com/marcuse.
pdf
Mariátegui, J. C. (1952). 7 ensayos de
interpretación de la realidad peruana.
Biblioteca Amauta. (p. 21).
https://acortar.link/oZtljb
Norris, P. (2011). Democratic deficit: Critical
citizens revisited. Cambridge University
Press. https://acortar.link/AwNUF7
Ochoa-Rico, S., Jimber-del-Río, J.-A.,
Cornejo-Marcos, G., & Vergara-Romero, A.
(2022). Characterization of the Territory and
Estimation of a Synthetic Index of Social
Welfare. TEM Journal, 11(3), 1254-1264.
https://doi.org/10.18421/TEM113-34
40
www.amazoniainvestiga.info ISSN 2322- 6307
OEA. (2010). Organization of American States.
General Secretariat. Nuestra democracia.
Fondo de Cultura Economica USA.
https://www.oas.org/es/sap/docs/nuestra_de
m_s.pdf
Ramírez Gallegos, R. (2010). Socialismo del
sumak kawsay o biosocialismo republicano
(No. 2). SENPLADES, Secretaría Nacional
de Planificación y Desarrollo.
https://acortar.link/5wlbCF
Robul, Y., Lytvynenko, K., Lytvynenko, O.,
Bokshan, H., & Popovych, I. (2023).
Marketing en la era digital: los valores
culturales como agentes del marketing
socialmente responsable en la economía
digital. Amazonia Investiga, 12(62), 45-55.
https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.62.02.3
Salvador-Guerra, C., Jimber-del-Río, J. A., &
Vergara-Romero, A. (2023). Environmental
Kuznets Curve: An Updated Empirical
Vision for Ecuador. TEM Journal, 12(3),
1792-1798.
https://doi.org/10.18421/TEM123-62
Senplades. (2013). Secretaria Nacional de
Planificación y Desarrollo. Plan Nacional
para el Buen vivir 2013-2017: todo el mundo
mejor. SENPLADES.
https://acortar.link/4nKHq2
Sousa, B. (2014). ¿La revolución ciudadana
tiene quién la defienda? Publico.
https://acortar.link/61Sd52
Stefanoni, A. (2016). ¿Alba o crepúsculo?
Geografías y tensiones del socialismo del
siglo XXI. Por qué retrocede la izquierda.
Capital lntelectual S. A., 81-117.
https://repositorio.ul.pt/bitstream/10451/244
48/1/ICS_AMalamud_Por_que_LAI.pdf
Van Dijk, T. V. (2009). Discurso y poder.
Barcelona: Gedisa.
https://acortar.link/K7GU7p
Van Dijk T., & Rodrigo Mendizábal, I. (1999).
Análisis del discurso social y político.
Editorial: Abya-Yala., 17.
https://acortar.link/m8HtcK
Walsh, C. (2010). Development as Buen Vivir:
Institutional arrangements and (de) colonial
entanglements. Development, 53(1), 15-21.
https://doi.org/10.1057/dev.2009.93
Yashar, D. J. (2005). Contesting Citizenship in
Latin America: The Rise Of Indigenous
Movements And The Postliberal Challenge.
Cambridge University.
https://acortar.link/k56Eel