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/ November 2023
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.71.11.19
How to Cite:
Plekhanova, T., Strashko, I., Hryshchenko, O., Komarova, Z., & Savitskaya, M. (2023). Language policy and its media
representation in post-war Ukraine: Implications for identity and inclusivity. Amazonia Investiga, 12(71), 223-232.
https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.71.11.19
Language policy and its media representation in post-war Ukraine:
Implications for identity and inclusivity
La política lingüística y su representación mediática en la Ucrania de posguerra: implicaciones para
la identidad y la inclusión
Received: November 6, 2023 Accepted: November 30, 2023
Written by:
Tatyana Plekhanova1
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2639-0396
Iryna Strashko2
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5137-991X
Oleksandr Hryshchenko3
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4361-5705
Zoia Komarova4
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5129-7543
Maryia Savitskaya5
https://orcid.org/0009-0000-3585-3300
Abstract
Purpose: This article aims to study language
policy and its media representation in post-war
Ukraine, as well as to identify the peculiarities of
inclusiveness in the future language policy.
Methodology: a content analysis of modern
literature and academic research on language
policy and its representation in the Ukrainian
media was conducted; a content analysis based
on the selection of key media resources and
survey sites was conducted. The scientific
novelty of the work lies in determining the
current state of linguistic policy in Ukraine
against the background of the unfolding military
processes and the future development of the
state. The analysis takes into account the
recommendations of the European Commission
and shows Ukraine's compliance with European
standards in the field of language rights. Results:
It is determined that the expansion of the
Ukrainian-speaking audience is a noticeable
1
PhD in Philosophy, Associate Professor, Head of the Department of Publishing and Editing, Faculty of Journalism, Zaporizhzhya
National University, Zaporizhzhia, Ukraine, Zaporizhzhia, Ukraine. WoS Researcher ID: JDW-9437-2023
2
PhD in Philosophy, Head in the Department of Germanic Languages, Department of Germanic Languages, Faculty of Foreign
Philology, Mykhailo Drahomanov State University of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine. WoS Researcher ID: JRW-5981-2023
3
PhD in Philosophy, Associate Professor, Department of Journalism and Philology, Faculty of Socionomic, Pylyp Orlyk International
Classical University, Mykolaiv, Ukraine. WoS Researcher ID: GRS-9206-2022
4
PhD in Philosophy, Associate Professor, Associate Professor of the Department of Ukrainian Language and Teaching Methods,
Faculty of Philology and Journalism, Pavlo Tychyna Uman State Pedagogical University, Uman, Ukraine. WoS Researcher ID:
AIC-3412-2022
5
Medical Doctor, Ludwik Rydygier Hospital in Krakow, Krakow, Poland. WoS Researcher ID: JJE-2363-2023
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trend, confirmed by various sociological studies.
At the same time, current legislative changes
allow for the publication of advertising and
events in the languages of national minorities.
The conclusions emphasise that future legislative
changes should reflect the inclusive development
of society. In conclusion, it is noteworthy that the
observed expansion of the Ukrainian-speaking
audience, as highlighted in the study, presents a
positive trend with the potential to contribute to
national unity in the aftermath of conflict.
Keywords: language policy, Ukraine, Russian-
Ukrainian war, future, importance of media,
laws.
Introduction
Ukraine, as a country with a long history and an
outstanding cultural heritage, has undergone
significant transformations. Language policy and
its interaction with media representation is one of
the key areas that has been subject to not only
political but also socio-cultural changes. In light
of the diversity of ethnic, linguistic, and cultural
groups that inhabit the country, the study of the
impact of language policy on identity formation
and the creation of an inclusive society is
becoming an extremely relevant task. The
Russian-Soviet influence on Ukraine and its
politics has long persisted even after the actual
collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. It existed
due to the support of a part of the population for
Russian propaganda about the cultural
superiority of the Russian language, which was
actively imposed through digital and traditional
media, by certain political experts and even
politicians (Kuzio, 2022; Tkachova et al., 2021).
At the same time, the current Russian-Ukrainian
war has raised a very relevant question: if the
Kremlin regime puts the language issue in
Ukraine as one of the main factors of its invasion
(the concept of “protecting the Russian-speaking
population”), to what extent may the use of
Russian become necessary in the media space
and at the official level in the future? For this
reason, it is crucial to thoroughly analyse the
implications of language policy and media
representation in post-war Ukraine, and to
consider their important aspects for the formation
of national identity and inclusiveness in
contemporary society.
Research problem
In post-war Ukraine, a historically tense period
of transformation, language policy and media
representation are key factors influencing social
and identity dynamics. The study is based on a
theoretical framework that combines the
concepts of language policy, media
representation theory, and sociological
approaches to identity construction. The use of
this theoretical context allows us to uncover the
complexities and interrelationships that exist
between official language strategies and the ways
in which these strategies are represented in the
media, taking into account the impact on
different groups in society.
Research focus
The main focus of the study is a detailed
examination of the consequences that arise from
the interaction of language policy and its media
representation in post-war Ukraine. The core
objective is to identify the key mechanisms of
influence, study their relationship with the
identity construction of various population
groups and evaluate their contribution to the
creation of an inclusive society. This study is
seen as an important step in the development of
strategies aimed at supporting cultural diversity
and promoting the social integration of different
groups of citizens in the context of contemporary
Ukraine.
Research aim and research questions
The purpose of the article is to study language
policy and its media representation in post-war
Ukraine and to identify the peculiarities of the
development of inclusiveness in the future. The
realisation of this goal involves the following
tasks:
1. Characteristics of the linguistic demography
of wartime Ukraine.
Plekhanova, T., Strashko, I., Hryshchenko, O., Komarova, Z., Savitskaya, M. / Volume 12 - Issue 71: 223-232 /
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2. Identification of the main language
sentiments of Ukrainian residents based on
the analysis of media resources. Based on
this, the study of certain aspects of the
implementation of further language policy.
Theoretical Framework or Literature Review
The researchers' attention is devoted to various
aspects of the role of national minorities in the
socio-political life of Central and Eastern
Europe. Bakishev & Plumlee's (2022) study
focuses on the linguistic aspects of the current
regional war in Kazakhstan, Ukraine and Russia.
Specifically, the authors examine the impact of
the conflict on the linguistic situation and provide
practical recommendations for translators. This
study may prove useful for understanding the
relationship between language and conflict in a
regional context. Bocale (2022) examined the
situation of national minorities in the post-Soviet
space thirty years after the collapse of the USSR.
This publication is important for understanding
the dynamics of their environment in the
countries that used to be part of the USSR and
their impact on contemporary socio-cultural
processes. Cheskin (2016) studied the situation
of Russian-speaking citizens in post-Soviet
Latvia. The book provides an important
contribution to the understanding of the problems
and challenges faced by Russian-speaking
communities in the post-Soviet space,
contributing to the debate on multilingualism and
cultural integration. Katerynych (2023)
thematically analysed Belarusian media
narratives in the context of the Russian-
Ukrainian war. Yatsenko's article (2022)
considers the philosophical content of the
definition of national mentality. At the same
time, the study by Filipova et al., (2021)
described in detail the impact of the
transhumanist concept on identity development.
However, not all of the authors' statements can be
accepted with, since, as the Russian-Ukrainian
war has demonstrated, the development of
nationality and patriotism are crucial. Ismailova
(2022) described the key aspects of the socio-
political development of contemporary society.
Ivashchenko (2022) focuses on the study of the
mainstream media in the context of Ukraine's
European integration. This study details the
impact of media on the perception and
understanding of the European integration
process in Ukrainian society. These works
summarise and expand our comprehension of
key aspects of language policy, cultural identity,
and media interaction in the context of
contemporary socio-cultural challenges.
Events related to Russian aggression in Ukraine
have also become a subject of study. Brusylovska
& Maksymenko (2022) analyzed the influence of
Russian media, namely how the media shape
views and opinions on events in the region.
Duszczyk et al. (2023) examined the socio-
economic consequences and challenges faced by
military refugees from Ukraine in Poland after
the Russian aggression. Kaunert &
de Deus Pereira (2023) described the relationship
between the EU and Ukraine in the context of the
Russian-Ukrainian conflict and study the impact
of these processes on ontological security. This
work demonstrated Ukraine's continuing
Eurocentricity. Instead, Kuzio (2022)
emphasized on the foundations of aggressive
Russian nationalism, which has turned into a
state ideology. At the same time, Holper &
Kyselova (2021) highlighted the dilemmas of
including the language issue in peacebuilding
and dialogue processes in Ukraine, the
challenges that arise in the process of
peacebuilding and dialogue in conflict-affected
settings. Meylahn (2022) viewed the war in
Ukraine as a conflict of languages and bodies and
offered a philosophical justification and
understanding of the relationship between
language and corporeality. Rimpiläinen (2020)
examined the representations of the displacement
of the Donbas population by Ukrainian and
Russian government media, analysed how
government media create images and concepts of
internal displacement. Vicente et al., (2023)
provided an overview of the Russian-Ukrainian
war, looking at different aspects of the conflict,
the factors and consequences of this conflict,
focused on various aspects of the military
conflict in Ukraine and its impact on various
spheres of society. The authors examined how
socio-cultural, linguistic, and media aspects
interact in the context of military events. All of
these studies provide a deep and varied insight
into the impact of the military conflict on various
aspects of society and serve as important sources
for further research and comprehension of events
in Ukraine.
Methodology
The study aimed at analysing language policies
and its media representation in the post-war
period in Ukraine in order to determine their
impact on identity formation and the level of
inclusiveness in society was carried out in several
stages:
1. Literature review
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− Analyse the recent literature and scholarly
articles that focus on language policy to find
out how this subject is portrayed in the
Ukrainian media through a content analysis.
− Identify the main trends, debates, and
concepts that shape the debate on this issue.
2. Content analysis of the media
− Select the key media resources, including
news sites and social networks.
− Scrutinize news articles and programmes for
language representation and determinethe
direction of language policies
(Suspilne kultura, 2023; Svyridyuk, 2023;
Kulyk, 2023).
3. Surveys
− Study the results of surveys conducted by
well-known sociological groups such as
Rating, Kyiv International Institute of
Sociology, and Info Sapiens research agency
(Rating, 2022; Kulyk, 2023; InfoSapiens,
2023).
− Determine citizens' views on language
policy and media representation.
The primary objectives of the survey
encompassed the elucidation of Ukrainian
citizens' perspectives regarding the prevailing
language policy and the delineation of
prospective trajectories for its evolution.
Furthermore, an additional focal point involved
ascertaining Ukrainians' inclinations towards the
incorporation of the Russian language and their
stance on the singular state language, notably
Ukrainian. These aspects are the main trends of
modern language surveys. This inquiry sought to
achieve a heightened scholarly depth by delving
into nuanced aspects of linguistic attitudes and
policy orientations among the surveyed
population.
Criteria for selecting sources:
1. Representativeness: the scope of views and
opinions in chosen resources.
2. Relevance: commitment to current topics
and events related to language policy and
representation in wartime.
3. Credibility: level of trust in sources among
the scientific and public communities.
Detailed Data Analysis in Media Content:
1. Examined the frequency and prominence of
different languages in media content.
2. Investigated the contextual nuances and
sentiments associated with language
representations.
3. Analyzed the framing of language policies,
identifying recurring themes and discourses
4. Explored any shifts or changes in media
language representation over time.
5. Categorized media content based on themes
related to language policies and
representation.
Therefore, based on the analysis of literature,
media, and surveys, the study aims to identify the
key features of the development of Ukraine's
future language policy.
Results and Discussion
Ukrainian-speaking audience: the current
state of the problem
Today, the expansion of the Ukrainian-speaking
audience is a noticeable trend that will continue
to be dominant in the future. This is confirmed
by various sociological studies. A key national
survey conducted by the Rating Group in March
2022 sheds light on the language dynamics in
Ukraine. Over the decade (from 2012 to 2022),
the share of people who consider Ukrainian their
native language has increased from 57% to 76%
(Rating, 2022). At the same time, the use of
Russian has decreased by 22%, falling from 42%
to 20%. This information is partially confirmed
by Eras (2023). It is noteworthy that the Russian-
speaking demographic has declined, dropping
from 40% in 2012 to 18% at the start of the war
in 2021 (see Figure 1).
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Figure 1. Diagram of people who consider Ukrainian their native language.
Source: Rating Group survey (Rating, 2022)
Geopolitical circumstances, in particular the
ongoing war, have played a crucial role in uniting
Ukrainian society and shaping citizens' views on
language. An overwhelming 83 percent of
respondents expressed the opinion that Ukrainian
should be the only official language, a sentiment
that has been reinforced by Russia's aggressive
military actions (see Figure 2). In addition, in the
month after 24 February 2022, support for
granting Russian the status of an official
language dropped significantly from 25% to 7%.
Figure 2. What is the optimal way for Ukrainian and Russian to exist in harmony?
Source: Rating group survey (Rating, 2022)
Thus, as can be seen from the rating group
survey, Ukrainians support the idea that
Ukrainian should be the only state language in
the future. To confirm this data, let us turn to the
analysis of other polls. In particular, a survey
made by the Kyiv International Institute of
Sociology in December 2022 entitled shows
noticeable shifts in language use patterns. The
data showed an increase in the share of
respondents who speak Ukrainian in everyday
life, from 41% exclusively to 58%, including
those who mainly use Ukrainian. At the same
time, the share of exclusively Russian speakers
decreased from 6% to 3% (Kulyk, 2023). This
survey also showed a change in the dynamics of
family communication: 52% of respondents use
Ukrainian as their primary language, compared
to 51% in 2017. Workplaces and educational
institutions reflect this linguistic transformation:
68 per cent of people reported speaking
Ukrainian, compared to 11 per cent speaking
Russian. These findings are confirmed by
Lanvers & Lunyova (2023), who describe the
language situation in Ukrainian higher education
institutions (see Figure 3).
The number of respondents who consider the
Russian language unimportant, reaching 58
percent, a significant increase from the 9 percent
recorded in 2014. It is noteworthy that even in
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traditionally Russian-speaking regions such as
the South and East, 46% of residents expressed
the opinion that Russian is unimportant (Kulyk,
2023).
A subsequent survey conducted this year by the
Info Sapiens research agency confirmed this
linguistic shift. It also identified a 16% increase
in Ukrainian speakers to 62%, while the share of
Russian-speaking Ukrainians decreased from
26% to 13% over the same period (InfoSapiens,
2023).
In addition to traditional polls, the digital
landscape also reflects the dominance of the
Ukrainian language. Platforms such as online job
boards have adapted their services to open search
pages in Ukrainian for users in Ukraine. Before
the war, the preference for Ukrainian among
freelancers ranged from 11% to 30%. However,
after the Russian invasion, this figure rose
sharply to an overwhelming 96%, highlighting
the expanding influence of the Ukrainian
language in online spaces as well. The online
language learning platform Duolingo has
provided quantitative evidence of this global
linguistic shift. Demand for Ukrainian language
learning has experienced an incredible growth: in
Ireland by 2229% and in Germany by 1651%
compared to the previous year.
Figure 3. How do you communicate at work or at school?
Source: Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (Kulyk, 2023)
KIIS reports that 15% of Ukraine's population
expresses a desire for the country to become
bilingual. Looking at international examples,
positive experiences of bilingualism that
contribute to social satisfaction are evident in
countries such as Switzerland, Canada and
Belgium. However, there are also caveats, as
seen in Belarus, where the trajectory towards
bilingualism has led to the decline of the mother
language. In the late 1980s, during the
perestroika period, Belarus began attempts to
secede from the USSR and elevate the Belarusian
language to the status of an official language.
This push included sociological surveys, the
creation of NGOs, and the adoption of the 1990
Law on Languages in the Belarusian SSR, which
established Belarus as a monolingual state
(Suspilne kultura, 2023). However, after the
1995 referendum, this “Belarusianisation” failed.
During this event, the proposal to grant Russia
equal state status with Belarus was supported by
83.3% of voters. Subsequently, Luka shenkо's
regime favoured the Russian language,
suppressing the use of living Belarusian and
subjecting its speakers to humiliation. Over the
years, the consequences became apparent. In
1999, 85.6 per cent of Belarusians considered
Belarusian to be their native language; however,
in the 2019 census, this figure plummeted to 61.2
percent. The use of the language at home has also
decreased: 36.7 per cent in 1999, dropping to
23.4 per cent in 2010, and recovering moderately
to 28.5 per cent by 2019. According to the current
UNESCO classification, Belarusian is
designated as a “fragile language”, which means
it is vulnerable (Suspilne kultura, 2023;
Maraieva, 2022). Although efforts are being
made to preserve it, without a legislative
programme of protection, the language faces an
imminent risk of rapid disappearance. The
Belarusian case highlights the delicate balance
required in implementing bilingual policies to
ensure the longevity and viability of both
languages involved.
Ukraine recognises the rights of its 120 national
minority groups, providing them with access to
media, music, culture, literature, education, and
various other services in their native languages.
Current discussions focus on creating a
sustainable institutional environment for the
realisation of the rights and opportunities of
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religious and ethnic communities, including
national minorities and indigenous peoples. This
involves developing intercultural competence,
supporting interaction and understanding, and
cultivating a culture of intelligent and friendly
dialogue (Pchelintseva, 2023). This complex
process therefore requires not only the
recognition and protection of rights but also the
active promotion of intercultural competence,
interaction, and understanding. It is important to
cultivate a culture of intelligent and friendly
dialogue in order to maintain the unity of the
nation while recognising diversity of views
(Rezvorovych et al., 2023). Article 11 of the
Constitution of Ukraine defines the state's
obligation to develop the Ukrainian nation and its
cultural heritage, as well as to take into account
the ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and religious
identity of all indigenous peoples and national
minorities. The Laws “On National Minorities of
Ukraine” and “On Indigenous Peoples of
Ukraine” define the key role of the state in
protecting the rights of ethnic communities. An
important milestone in this process was the
signing by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of
the updated law on national minorities. This step,
prompted by the European Commission's
recommendations, underscores Ukraine's
determination to align its legal framework with
the high standards of the European Union and to
actively support the rights of different ethnic
groups.
New paradigms of vision for Ukraine's
language policy
The Ukrainian government took an important
step towards harmonising its legislation with
European standards by adopting amendments to
the law on national minorities on 21 September.
The amendments are aimed at aligning
provisions and definitions with EU standards. It
now allows for the publication of advertisements
in the languages of national minorities in their
community, as well as for social and cultural
events to be held in the minority language. It
should be noted that these changes do not apply
to the Russian language, but rather focus on
minority languages, including Romanian and
Hungarian, which are spoken in some
communities in the west of the country
(Svyridyuk, 2023). In addition, on 21 September
2023, the Verkhovna Rada adopted a draft law on
national minorities, which contains the following
key provisions:
− A clear definition of the concept of “national
minority (community)”;
− Granting the right to use the language of a
national minority in advertising and in the
provision of assistance;
− Development of a methodology for the use
of national minority languages in some
regions;
− Clarification of the procedure for
determining settlements with a majority of
representatives of national minorities (see
Table 1).
Table 1.
Key aspects of the draft law on national minorities, 2023.
Aspect
Description
Integration into Ukrainian society
The legislation emphasises that national minorities are integral,
integrated, and organic components of Ukrainian society.
Rights and powers
Individuals from national minority groups are afforded diverse
rights, encompassing the right to self-identification, freedom of
association, peaceful assembly, freedom of expression,
participation in political, economic, and social spheres,
utilization of their minority language, and access to education
in minority languages. These provisions aim to safeguard and
uphold cultural identity.
Rights to use the language
In the proposed legislation, Article 10 explicitly outlines the
entitlement of individuals from national minorities
(communities) to freely and without obstruction use their
minority language in private and public contexts, both verbally
and in written form, within the boundaries set by the law.
Public events in minority languages
The legislation acknowledges that public events arranged for
individuals belonging to national minorities (communities) can
be conducted in the languages of the respective national
minorities. Such events encompass meetings, conferences,
rallies, exhibitions, training courses, seminars, discussions,
forums, and various other public gatherings.
Source: compiled by the authors.
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Indeed, the revision of national minority
legislation aligns with one of the seven
recommendations from the European
Commission, which Ukraine received during its
candidacy for accession to the European Union.
These legislative modifications signify a
significant stride taken by Ukraine to comply
with European standards, fostering inclusivity,
and safeguarding the cultural heritage of its
diverse population.
In the post-war inclusive language space, mass
media will play a crucial role through various
channels. These pathways are outlined in Figure
4.
Figure 4. Ways in which media influence identity and inclusion.
Source: compiled by the authors
Therefore, in the post-war period, attention
should be paid to achieving inclusion and identity
development of national minorities through the
media. This can be accomplished in a number of
ways (see Table 2).
Table 2.
Directions for the development of an inclusive language environment through the media.
Direction
Description.
Inclusive narratives
The media can contribute to post-war recovery by presenting
inclusive narratives that are sensitive to the diverse experiences
of the population (Zeller, 2022). This includes representing
different linguistic and ethnic groups in a balanced and
respectful manner.
Language in the media
The choice of language(s) used in media, including news,
television, and entertainment, can have a significant impact
(Strukowska, 2023). Promoting multilingualism in the media
can be a way of recognising and celebrating linguistic
diversity.
Avoidance of divisive rhetoric
The media should be careful not to perpetuate divisive rhetoric
or stereotypes that could exacerbate tensions. Responsible
journalism plays a crucial role in shaping perceptions and
promoting understanding (Shakun, 2022).
Representation of minorities
Ensuring fair representation of linguistic and ethnic minorities
in the media helps to create a sense of belonging and
counteracts marginalisation.
Source: compiled by the authors
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At the same time, the instability of the military
situation should not be neglected. With the loss
of international support and the Kremlin regime's
military and diplomatic pressure, serious
transformations in the perception of the Russian
language in Ukraine are probable. The situation
surrounding Ukraine's eventual defeat is difficult
to predict, and developments will depend on
many factors, including international pressure,
inner political processes, and public reaction.
However, history shows that wars and conflicts
can result in considerable changes in society,
including language policy. There are scenarios in
which there may be some pressure on the
Ukrainian language or changes in its status.
However, it should be borne in mind that
different circumstances may affect the dynamics
of such changes. In the event of any changes in
language policy, the reaction of the public and
civil society will be a significant factor. There is
already strong support in Ukraine for the
Ukrainian language and any attempts to change
this status may cause opposition and protests.
Conclusions
Thus, in recent years, Ukraine has demonstrated
impressive progress in expanding the audience of
the Ukrainian-speaking population, especially in
the context of supporting national minorities.
Sociological studies point to substantial changes
in the language situation. Therefore, considering
the attitude of the population, language policy
should, on the one hand, continue to support
large-scale Ukrainianisation. At the same time,
the post-war language policy should aim to
reform the language legislation on national
minorities, giving preference to European
standards and promoting inclusiveness and
cultural diversity. Amendments to the law on
national minorities have already been approved,
allowing for the publication of advertisements
and events in the languages of national minorities
in their communities. These amendments do not
apply to Russian, but rather to languages such as
Romanian and Hungarian.
A new draft law on national minorities clearly
defines the concept of a “national minority
(community)” and their role as an integral part of
Ukrainian society. This draft law defines the
rights and obligations of persons belonging to
national minorities, including the right to use
their language in various areas, including
advertising and public events.
These initiatives are in line with the
recommendations of the European Commission,
which became part of a broad package of
recommendations when Ukraine became a
candidate for accession to the European Union.
Overall, these legislative changes will reflect
Ukraine's decisive step towards an open,
inclusive society where different cultural and
linguistic groups are able to preserve and develop
their identities.
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