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DOI: https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.71.11.18
How to Cite:
Pidbereznykh, I. (2023). US-Brunei cooperation in the 2000s: an analysis. Amazonia Investiga, 12(71), 214-222.
https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.71.11.18
US-Brunei cooperation in the 2000s: an analysis
La cooperación entre Estados Unidos y Brunei en la cada de 2000: un análisis
Received: September 30, 2023 Accepted: November 28, 2023
Written by:
Inna Pidbereznykh1
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9906-4327
Abstract
The article analyzes the main aspects of relations
between the Sultanate of Brunei Darussalam,
which is located in Southeast Asia, and the
United States. The relevance of the study is
related to the strengthening of diplomatic ties
between different states and the need for a
comprehensive analysis of their various aspects.
The reason for the study was to explore a
relatively new area of diplomatic relations
between the United States and Brunei. The
scientific value and novelty lie in the complex
analysis of relations between the mentioned
states during the given historical period. General
scientific methods of research were used, and due
to the fact that the studied issue is at the junction
of several sciences, methods of historical,
political science and the study of diplomatic
relations were used. The study found that the
diplomatic relations of the United States and
Brunei are influenced by the geopolitical
competition between the United States and China
in Southeast Asia, revealing Washington's desire
to subordinate the countries of the region to its
influence and establish hegemony in opposition
to China. For this purpose, the US is trying to
find geopolitical allies among the countries of the
region, with Brunei being one of them.
Keywords: Southeast Asia, International
Relations, Diplomacy, Sultanate, Geopolitics.
Introduction
Consideration of the relationship between the
Sultanate of Brunei Darussalam and the USA is
caused by the fact that historically the policy and
diplomacy of the USA in Southeast Asia was
determined by the geopolitical interests of
1
PhD in History, Associate Professor of History Department of History, Petro Mohyla Black Sea National University Mykolaiv,
Ukraine. WoS Researcher ID: ABF-1779-2021
Washington in this region first, attention was
paid to supporting free transport routes across the
South China Sea, which gave access to the
markets of the region. Secondly, the USA made
every effort to contain the spread of communist
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ideas in the region, which were ideological
opponents of America's political system. To this
end, in the second half of the twentieth century.
The United States actively intervened in the
politico-military conflicts that erupted in the
region. Washington supported France in the
Indochina War and was directly involved in the
Vietnam Campaign. In the twenty-first century.
The USA has declared Southeast Asia as one of
the fronts in the fight against terrorism. During
this historical period, there has been an increase
in tensions with China, which claims regional
and, along with Russia, global leadership
(Parameswaran, 2019a; Parameswaran, 2019b;
Parameswaran, 2018). Brunei is among the states
that are the backbone of the USA in the region.
This study aims to analyze and systematize the
major aspects of the relationship between the
USA and the Sultanate of Brunei Darussalam at
the beginning of the 21st century (Omar, 2018).
As for the study of the problem, it is reasonable
to divide the works devoted to this problem into
three main groups: works of Ukrainian
researchers (Ukrainian-language segment of
historiography); works of Russian scientists
(Russian-language segment of historiography);
studies of American, European and Asian
scientists (English-language segment of
historiography).
In the forthcoming sections of this article, we
delve into a comprehensive exploration of the
diplomatic relations between the United States
and Brunei Darussalam. The second section,
"Theoretical Framework and Literature Review,"
critically analyzes existing literature on this
subject. Despite the absence of specific scientific
works addressing this relationship, we draw
insights from broader studies, especially those by
Ukrainian and Asian scholars. Noteworthy
contributors include Sofilkanych (2022), Omar
(2020), Gorodnia (2018), Pidbereznykh (2018),
King & Druce (2022), and Nguyen (2016),
offering diverse perspectives on the historical,
economic, and political dimensions of the region
and the specific case of Brunei. This section lays
the foundation for understanding the context in
which the U.S.-Brunei relationship evolves.
The subsequent section, "Research Design and
Methods," unveils the methodology applied in
this study. Here, we present hypotheses
exploring the nature of U.S. involvement in
international relations, emphasizing geopolitical
interests, attempts at regional hegemony, and
strategies for cooperation with Brunei. The
research employs a range of general scientific
methods, including deduction, induction,
analysis, synthesis, modeling, and formalization.
By integrating historical and political science
approaches, we adopt a systematic, ideological
pluralism, and dialectical understanding of the
historical process. This methodological fusion
allows us to assess international relations'
nuances, emphasizing the importance of
observation, participant observation, content
analysis, and event analysis. The study also
draws from jurisprudential methods, such as the
analysis of theoretical and normative-legal
sources, comparison, generalization, and
modeling, to unravel the intricacies of diplomatic
relations between Brunei and the United States.
These methodological choices, rooted in a
multidisciplinary approach, enable us to provide
a nuanced and comprehensive analysis of the
diplomatic interactions at different levels
between these two nations.
Theoretical framework and literature review
It should be noted that no scientific works, which
would reveal any aspect of this topic during this
study, were found. Therefore, there were used the
works, which dealt with this issue only in general
and indirectly (Sofilkanych, 2022; Omar, 2020).
Among Ukrainian scientists, made a significant
scientific contribution to the study of this issue
(Gorodnia, 2018; Pidbereznykh, 2018). Her
articles are devoted to an in-depth analysis of
USA policy strategy in the region, respectively,
the place of their relations with Brunei.
The issue was analyzed in the context of the
overall US policy towards Southeast Asia. The
peculiarities, the purpose of the policy and its
transformation under different administrations
and changing paradigms of geopolitical realities
were disclosed. Thus, the relationship with
Brunei was an integral part of the regional
relations analyzed in this study. Various aspects
of the historical, economic, and political
development of the region have attracted
attention (Pidbereznykh, 2018). At the same
time, no separate works devoted to the
relationship between the United States of
America and Brunei Darussalam were written by
Ukrainian researchers. They have analyzed in
detail and revealed some aspects of the history
and socio-political processes in Brunei, which
determined the basis of US policy in the region.
At the same time, the issue of diplomatic
relations between the United States and Brunei
Darussalam was not a sphere of their professional
interests. Therefore, they touched on this issue
only indirectly, mentioning it only briefly in their
research. Therefore, there are no comprehensive
studies devoted to the diplomatic relations
between Brunei and the United States in this
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historical period in Russia either.
Representatives of the third segment are studies
by Asian scholars (King & Druce, 2022; Omar,
2018). Graham (2015) highlighted the
historiographical controversy over important
events, personalities, and developments in
Brunei. Hang Nguyen explored the Obama
administration's renewed engagement with
Southeast Asia and revealed the reasons for the
United States' desire to expand its presence in
Southeast Asia after a period of relative calm and
indifference (Nguyen, 2016). American scholar
of international relations in Southeast Asia
Weatherbee (2008) has analyzed the efforts of
Southeast Asian states to collectively adapt in the
process of building an ASEAN community to the
challenges of traditional internal regional
security issues. ASEAN is the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations, which was formed on
August 8, 1967 in Bangkok, while the
finalization did not occur until 1976 on the island
of Bali. The ASEAN member states acted with
common sense pragmatism, seeking to partially
isolate the region from external influence (from
the point of view of the neoliberal economic
approach such regionalism is considered
"discriminatory"). The writings of Omar (2020)
are also of particular interest in this study
(Mohidin, 2014; Darussalam, 2016; Putra, 2021).
The sources of the study were statements and
directives from U.S. and Brunei leaders,
presidential speeches, articles in periodicals, and
materials from government websites.
Research design and methods
Hypotheses
During the study a number of hypotheses were
put forward, the first of which is that the U.S.,
building international relations, primarily guided
by the protection of its own geopolitical interests,
so building mutually beneficial relations with
other states is the exception rather than the rule.
The hypotheses were formulated based on a
careful consideration of the study's objectives
and research questions. For instance, the first
hypothesis posits that U.S. international relations
are primarily guided by geopolitical interests,
with the exception of mutually beneficial
relations when aligned with the partner state's
political and economic course.
Data Analysis
The data underwent a comprehensive analysis
using a variety of techniques, including content
analysis, event analysis, and comparative
analysis. This methodological approach
facilitated a nuanced exploration of the data,
incorporating both qualitative and quantitative
dimensions, contributing to the robustness of the
study's findings.
The study is anchored in the principle of
historicism, emphasizing a systematic approach,
ideological pluralism, and a dialectical
understanding of historical processes. Given the
interdisciplinary nature of the study, methods
from history and political science were
employed, complemented by approaches specific
to international relations.
Observational methods, including instrumental
observation with technical means and participant
observation, were incorporated, drawing on
insights from diplomatic and political
experiences. The study incorporates content
analysis and event analysis, aligning with the
methodologies used by notable researchers such
as E. Azar in the analysis of international
conflicts. Methodological approaches from
social and humanitarian sciences have been
adopted, considering the study's legal context.
The focus on jurisprudential methods, including
the analysis of theoretical and normative-legal
sources, comparison, generalization, analysis of
documents, and modeling, provides a robust
framework for investigating diplomatic contacts
between Brunei and the United States at various
levels.
Mutually beneficial relations are possible only if
the partner state supports the political and
economic course of the states. The next
hypothesis is to consider U.S. attempts to
establish its geopolitical hegemony in the region
by narrowing or not allowing geopolitical
competitors into the region as much as possible.
Hypothesis four states that the main method of
establishing dominance in the region is to support
governments loyal to the U.S. and eliminate
those who oppose Washington's hegemony in the
region by various methods. The fifth hypothesis
is that the US seeks to establish mutually
beneficial cooperation with Brunei, without
preventing geopolitical rivals from establishing
contacts and connections in the region. The sixth
hypothesis indicates that the U.S. is increasingly
active in the struggle for raw materials and
markets.
In the process of the implementation of this
scientific study primarily used general scientific
methods: deduction, induction, analysis,
synthesis, modeling, formalization. The article
was based on the principle of historicism, which
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is one of the basic principles of the study of
history (Shakun, 2022; Maraieva, 2022). The
basic methods of historical study were the
following: systematic approach, ideological
pluralism, dialectical understanding of the
historical process, as well as the problem-
chronological method. Due to the fact that the
investigated problematics is at the junction of
history and political science the basic methods of
study were used, which are most often used in
this science. In addition, methods that help to
consider and assess the features of international
relations were applied. This is due to the fact that
political processes taking place at the global and
regional level have a certain specificity and differ
from the socio-political relations, which are
limited to the framework of individual states. In
this case, the method of observation plays a great
role. The researcher first observes a process and
the tendency of its development and only then
makes an assessment. Specialists are
increasingly resorting to instrumental
observation, which is carried out with the help of
technical means, and this method of observation
has also found its application in this study. An
interesting method of analyzing international
relations is participant observation, i.e.,
observation by direct participants in events. More
fundamental and informative analytical studies
are those that are made on the basis of one's own
diplomatic and political experience (Shakun,
2022). To this end, the study of memoirs of
various political figures is carried out. Also, the
method of content analysis and event analysis
was applied, which consists in tracing the
dynamics of events in the international arena to
determine the main trends in the political
situation in individual countries, regions and the
world as a whole. American researcher E. Azar
applied event analysis, when studying the trend
of international conflicts. In the middle of the XX
century, the adherents of the modernist direction
in the study of international relations began to
widely apply methodological approaches
borrowed from other social and humanitarian
sciences. Because this study is performed in a
legal context, the main attention was paid to the
methods of research that are used in
jurisprudence. Among them the analysis of
theoretical and normative-legal sources;
comparison; generalization; analysis of
documents; modeling. We should also note that
cooperation between the countries is based on
diplomatic contacts. Between Brunei and the
United States, they took place at different levels.
This study examines contacts at the highest level
(visits and meetings between heads of state); at
the level of heads of foreign ministries and other
government agencies; assesses visits of lower-
level government officials.
Results
Before analyzing the relations between Brunei
and the United States, it is necessary to
emphasize that international relations between
civilized countries are based on the principles of
international law, a special legal system that
regulates international relations through various
legal norms. The peculiarity of international law
is the possibility to apply coercive measures to
enforce the legal norms on the basis of the
existing norms and within the framework of
relevant international treaties. Norms of
international law are usually divided into
imperative and dispositive. A peremptory norm
of international law is a norm accepted and
recognized by the international community, from
which no deviation is permitted. Imperative
norms, for example, are the principles of
international law. Dispositive norms are rules of
conduct from which States may derogate by
mutual agreement, if the derogation does not
harm the rights and legitimate interests of other
States Dispositive norm implies the right of
subjects to regulate their relations otherwise than
provided by the general norm. International law,
in turn, influences national laws, and this
influence is constantly increasing, for example,
ensuring fundamental human rights. The rules of
international law guide Brunei Darussalam, a
Southeast Asian state on the northwestern island
of Kalimantan, in its foreign policy. Notably, the
island is divided between Brunei, Malaysia and
Indonesia, while Brunei itself is divided into two
parts by the territory of Malaysia. The word
"Darussalam" means the abode of peace, the
polity of the sultanate. Relations between the
United States and Brunei date back to the mid-
XIX century, specifically from April 6, 1845,
when the American warship USS Constitution
dropped anchor in Brunei Bay. The historic visit
contributed to the Treaty of Peace, Friendship,
Commerce and Navigation, which has been in
force since 1850. For 96 years (1888-1984)
Brunei was under the protectorate of Great
Britain, a U.S. ally in two world wars. On the day
of the Sultanate's declaration of independence
(January 1, 1984), the United States opened an
embassy in the center of Brunei's capital, Bandar-
Seri Begawan. On March 10, 1984, the Brunei
Embassy was opened in the District of Columbia
and diplomatic relations were established
between the two states through an exchange of
the appropriate notes. It is this historic moment
that is considered the beginning of official
bilateral relations between the countries.
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Therefore, it should be noted that by the
beginning of the 2000s, diplomatic relations had
been less than 20 years old and were in their
infancy. This is evidenced by the fact that on
November 15-16, 2000, President B. Clinton of
the United States visited Brunei's capital with his
first presidential visit and participated in the
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
forum, which unlike ASEAN has more member
countries, including Canada and the US
(Weatherbee, 2008, pp. 64-65; Pidbereznykh,
2018, p. 198) that are not South-East Asian
countries. It is believed that APEC and ASEAN,
which is formed on the basis of civilization, are
directly opposite international associations.
Some researchers point out that one of the
objectives of APEC is to unify the region by
Western standards and turn it into a single market
of goods and services in the interests of the
United States, while the goal of ASEAN is to
preserve national and regional identity and
economic independence. At the same time, it
should be emphasized that both organizations are
focused on cooperation with the United States
and Washington plays an active role in their
activities. July 30-01, 2002, Bandar Seri
Begawan hosted the ASEAN Regional Forum
(ARF), which was attended by U.S. Secretary of
State Colin Powell. The first official visit of the
Sultan of Brunei and the King of Malaysia to the
United States took place in 2002. The delegation
was received by President Bush in Washington.
This visit was a milestone in the development of
bilateral relations and focused primarily on trade
and economic aspects and the United States
committed to promoting trade and investment in
ASEAN countries, including Brunei (Gorodnia,
2018, p. 109). In 2002, former Secretary of State
Colin Powell made an official visit to the
Sultanate to attend a meeting with ASEAN
members at the RFA. Somewhat later, there is a
strengthening of military cooperation, which was
marked by a visit in 2008. Sultan to the U.S.
Pacific Fleet base located in Hawaii. They were
accompanied by Ambassador William Todd. It is
known that during this period, Brunei sent cadets
to U.S. military academies, cooperated in
maritime security and coordination of
humanitarian aid and disaster relief. Meanwhile,
military cooperation between the US and Brunei
dates back to November 29, 1994, when a
Memorandum of Understanding on Military and
Defense Cooperation was signed. The countries
began a dialogue with the formation of joint
training programs, and then other forms of
military cooperation began to develop. The
Sultanate allowed U.S. naval forces to enter its
docks for repairs and the transit of military
aircraft. Also, Brunei's armed forces often
participate in joint military exercises with the
U.S. military (Gorodnia, 2014, p. 101). In July
2011, Brunei's energy minister and minister of
foreign affairs and trade visited the United States
to expand energy cooperation between the two
countries, where officials met with a number of
U.S. companies representing the oil and gas
sector. On September 20 of the same year,
Minister Jok Seng and U.S. Assistant Secretary
of State Kurt Campbell had their first dialogue.
In the field of bilateral economic relations,
American firms worked in the energy sector, in
financial services and consulting for government
projects, and American franchises and brands
were gradually opened in Brunei. This further
strengthened the bilateral relationship and
marked a new milestone in the strategic
partnership between the two countries. A wide
range of bilateral, regional and global issues of
common interest were addressed. They included
security, combating terrorism, economic
development, particularly the strengthening of
commercial and investment ties and the
possibility of coordinating development projects
within the framework of the multilateral
initiative to protect the wildlife "The Heart of
Borneo". Progress in defense cooperation was
also noted. In 2011, the United States
participated in the celebration of the 50th
Anniversary of the Royal Brunei Armed Forces
and the BRIDEX international defense
exhibition. At the same time, the next visit of the
Brunei delegation headed by the Sultan to the
United States took place only on March 12, 2013,
actually 11 years after the first visit.
(U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 2011). This
interruption can be viewed both negatively and
positively: if viewed from a negative perspective,
one can assume that the U.S. is not strongly
interested in contacts with Brunei. On the
positive side, Brunei is a country with a small
territory and therefore probably not of primary
interest. However, Brunei occupies an important
economic and strategic location on the coast, at
the crossroads of trade routes. At the same time,
there are intensive diplomatic contacts at a lower
level. Therefore, a separate assessment should be
made of the circumstances that led to the long
interruption of interstate visits at the highest
level. One can assume that the U.S. high-level
visit was possible because Brunei presided over
ASEAN in 2013 (Pidbereznykh, 2018). Overall,
this year can be characterized by an intense
increase in diplomatic activity. Secretary of State
John Kerry visited the country for several
ministerial and leadership meetings. At the
meeting with President Obama B., mutual
interest in deepening bilateral cooperation, which
has spanned more than 160 years but has only
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received its most vigorous development in recent
decades, was reaffirmed. Particular emphasis
was placed on the development of mutually
beneficial projects. At the same time, Obama
praised His Majesty's leadership on maritime
issues in the APEC and the promotion of English
language learning among young people, which
helped expand trade and strengthen ties between
the United States and the region (de Vienne &
Jammes, 2020). At the same time, this fact may
indicate the desire of the United States, through
the exposure of the general population to the
English language, to enhance the Westernization
process in Brunei and the spread of Western
values that are not typical of the traditional
culture of the country. On the one hand, as noted
above, it can strengthen trade relations, and on
the other hand, it can strengthen the processes of
globalization, which can destroy the identity of
the country and its traditional values. Therefore,
the U.S. position can be assessed as a desire to
spread its cultural influence, unifying it
throughout the world under its standards,
establishing its hegemony and standards of living
for all mankind. Slightly deviating from the
topic, let us note that one of the reasons of
confrontation between the US and Russia and
China, may be the desire of Washington to
establish a unipolar, Westernized in all spheres of
human life, world. It is noteworthy that the issue
of expanding the scope of the English language
in the region has been discussed before, during
Clinton's visit to Brunei in September 2012. Even
a special project was developed to strengthen the
role of this language in the region. It should be
noted that similar trends of spreading the
influence of Western values are also typical for
Ukraine and may pose a threat to the cultural
identity of the country and the development of
the Ukrainian language. It is stated that the main
purpose of the visit is to promote cooperation
between the United States and ASEAN
(Pidbereznykh, 2018, p. 199). One of the nuances
of the U.S.-Brunei relationships has been the
difficult diplomatic situation emerging in the
region due to the growing confrontation between
global geopolitical players: the United States and
China. Increasing tensions between these
countries are occurring in all spheres of activity.
Researchers believe that China is expanding into
the region, using a variety of means, from
outright pressure to "soft power," which serves to
attract more and more states in the region to its
side. Therefore, the relationship between the U.S.
and Brunei, which Washington seeks to
subordinate to its influence, should be viewed in
the context of geopolitical competition and
struggle for spheres of influence between the
U.S. and China in the region. As a result, Brunei,
small in area but wealthy and economically
influential, is of great interest to both the U.S. and
China. Therefore, the state is forced to maneuver
on the diplomatic front, ensuring the protection
of its national interests: on the one hand, it
appeals to the United States for support, and on
the other hand, it tries to establish close economic
relations with China. It should be noted that
economic cooperation and participation in APEC
and ASEAN are now in the foreground. Brunei
saw APEC as a community of open and
interconnected economies, as a means of
strengthening the ability to grow globally, in
strengthening markets, developing human
resources and promoting the development of
small and medium-sized enterprises to support
the economy. The movement toward global
integration was seen as an opportunity to
improve the standard of living and social well-
being of the population. An ambitious Agenda
for Economic Modernization was introduced to
help the economy leverage advances in
information technology to increase productivity
and stimulate growth and expansion of services,
strengthen markets, e-commerce, infrastructure,
knowledge and skills development, affordable
and more efficient access to communications and
the Internet. Brunei also supported APEC
programs to improve the quality of teachers and
build sound education management through a
collaborative educational process in the region.
New information and communication
technologies enabled the development of
networks to extend health services to a wider
population, and to address major health issues.
Therefore, Brunei, under the diplomatic
influence of the U.S., deliberately became
involved in the processes of globalization.
Discussion
The question of how mutually beneficial the
U.S.-Brunei relationships is remains debatable.
Researchers believe that the purpose of U.S.
bilateral cooperation with other countries is to
protect and promote national interests, which are
to support sovereignty and territorial integrity
preserve political, cultural and religious identity;
promote regional and global peace, security,
prosperity, stability, welfare, economic and
social well-being of citizens (Gorodnia, 2011).
At the same time the tendencies of the USA
directed to unification, globalization, and
establishment of a new world order, which is in
line with neoliberal values and does not provide
for regional and cultural pluralism, are noted
(Mahtani, 2019). This conclusion can be drawn
in view of the fact that the U.S. is making every
effort to promote the English language,
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American culture and values as the standard of
democracy and freedom. This process of
globalization provides the erasure of national and
regional differences in the modern world and the
establishment of a single standard (Maraieva,
2022). It is noted that globalization has become
so total that it is accepted as an objective reality
and one of the natural stages of human
development by an increasing number of
politicians, researchers. There are several
varieties of globalization and one of them is the
American model of globalization, which was
developed in the United States. At the same time
in the U.S. there is a reverse process of active
influence of Chinese and Asian culture in
general. Therefore, this process is far from
ambiguous and multidimensional. Therefore, we
should express some disagreement with the
opinion of researchers who believe that the U.S.
seeks to maintain the cultural diversity of the
modern world and express disagreement with the
view that there is only the American scenario of
globalization (U.S. Indo-Pacific Command,
2019). Therefore, it should be noted that the
historical process is largely due to the
geopolitical competition between the
superpowers and the desire to maximize its
sphere of geopolitical influence, including the
maximum number of states that do not belong to
the category of superpowers.
Specific Mechanisms of Cooperation between
the United States and Brunei
The economic ties between the United States and
Brunei are underscored by robust trade
agreements, strategic investment partnerships,
and joint ventures. Trade between the two
nations has flourished, with mutual benefits
evident in the exchange of goods and services.
Investment partnerships have paved the way for
shared economic interests, fostering growth and
development in both countries. These
collaborations contribute significantly to job
creation, technology transfer, and the overall
economic well-being of the nations involved.
In the realm of security and defense, the U.S. and
Brunei engage in joint efforts aimed at ensuring
regional and global stability. Military alliances,
intelligence sharing, and counterterrorism
initiatives are central to their collaborative
approach. Notable security agreements and joint
military exercises serve as tangible evidence of
the depth of cooperation, demonstrating a
commitment to shared security goals and the
protection of both nations' interests.
Cultural and educational exchanges form a vital
component of U.S.-Brunei relations. Various
programs promote cultural understanding,
facilitate language exchange initiatives, and
establish educational partnerships. These
exchanges play a crucial role in fostering mutual
understanding between the people of the United
States and Brunei, contributing to the
development of enduring people-to-people
connections that transcend geographical
boundaries.
Implications of U.S.-Brunei Cooperation
The economic implications of U.S.-Brunei
cooperation are profound, influencing the growth
of industries, employment rates, and overall
economic stability in both countries.
Collaborative efforts have spurred innovation,
technological advancements, and increased
market access, leading to enhanced economic
prosperity. However, challenges may arise, and
it is crucial to address potential areas requiring
further attention to sustain and maximize
economic benefits.
The partnership between the U.S. and Brunei
carries significant political implications,
impacting the sovereignty and territorial integrity
of both nations. An evaluation of this cooperation
within the broader geopolitical landscape reveals
how it aligns with each country's strategic
interests. This alignment is critical in navigating
complex international relations and fostering
diplomatic ties that strengthen the geopolitical
position of both parties.
Exploring the cultural implications of U.S.-
Brunei cooperation unveils the influence of
American values and cultural exchange on
Bruneian society. The dynamics of globalization
come into play, impacting cultural diversity.
While cultural exchanges enrich societies,
challenges may arise from the potential
homogenization of cultures. A nuanced
assessment is essential to understand and address
the implications for both nations.
U.S.-Brunei cooperation plays a role in the larger
geopolitical context, particularly within the
competition between global superpowers. Both
countries navigate this landscape, seeking to
maximize their geopolitical influence.
Understanding the impact of this cooperation on
their respective spheres of influence is crucial in
comprehending the geopolitical dynamics in the
region and beyond.
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Acknowledging varying perspectives on U.S.
globalization, it is essential to consider
arguments both for and against the idea that the
U.S. seeks to maintain cultural diversity. A
nuanced perspective is crucial in understanding
the influence of American and other cultural
forces in the global arena. This reconciliation of
views provides a comprehensive understanding
of the multifaceted nature of U.S. globalization
and its implications for cultural diversity
worldwide.
Conclusion
To sum up, during the study period, the United
States and Brunei have cooperated closely in
many areas, most notably joint integration
alliances, defense programs, trade and economic
activities, and humanitarian missions. It is
necessary to state that diplomatic relations
between the Sultanate of Brunei Darussalam and
the United States have deep historical roots and
during the period under study were conducted at
a high level of intensity. At the same time, it
should be noted that the highest level of the
Brunei Darussalam delegation visited the United
States only twice. At the same time, there is an
active level of cooperation between the U.S. and
Brunei at the diplomatic level, with regular
meetings of heads of foreign ministries and other
government officials of the highest rank.
Cooperation between the states in the first two
decades of the XXI century has been
multidirectional. The role of English as a factor
in spreading U.S. influence is emphasized. Let us
note that other countries resort to similar tactics,
which by introducing the language of their
country spread its influence in many aspects and
first seek to introduce their culture. Therefore,
language in our time has become one of the tools
to spread the geopolitical influence of a particular
state. As for the objectives of the study, the
different aspects of cooperation between the
United States and Brunei during this historical
period were systematized, and the priority areas
of cooperation were analyzed, and it was found
that the economy, defense, the fight against
terrorism and the cultural field in which the
United States encourages the strengthening of the
role of English in Brunei. The main vectors of
cooperation, which are due to global and regional
geopolitical competition and the desire of the
U.S. to acquire an ally in the region, were
revealed. Diplomatic contacts at various levels
have been covered in detail and the scope and
main priorities of cooperation have been
established. The geopolitical component was
analyzed separately, and some predictions were
given for the US-Brunei relationship. As for the
hypotheses of the study, the hypothesis that in
building international relations, the U.S.
primarily seeks to protect its interests, in
principle, this is natural for any state and is
especially characteristic of those countries that
are superpowers, was largely confirmed.
Therefore, mutually beneficial relations are the
exception rather than the rule and are only
possible when the partner state supports the
political and economic course of the states. It is
also quite natural that the United States is trying
to establish a geopolitical hegemony in the region
under study by narrowing, or complete
displacement of geopolitical competitors. The
main method of U.S. domination is to support
loyal governments, and if they do not support the
U.S. policy, attempts are made to change the
regime in one way or another. Now there is a
struggle between Washington and its competitors
for raw materials and markets. As for
cooperation with Brunei, it is more likely to be
mutually beneficial, since the government
supports the political and economic course of the
United States.
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