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DOI: https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.68.08.34
How to Cite:
Mykhalskyi, I., Balatska, O., Nefodov, D., Altukhov, O., & Plevako, K. (2023). The influence of U.S.-China relations on the current
geopolitical situation. Amazonia Investiga, 12(68), 372-381. https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.68.08.34
The influence of U.S.-China relations on the current geopolitical
situation
Вплив Американо-Китайських Відносин на Розвиток Сучасної Геополітичної
Ситуації
Received: July 29, 2023 Accepted: August 28, 2023
Written by:
Ihor Mykhalskyi1
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1027-596X
Olena Balatska2
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3596-3467
Dmytro Nefodov3
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1992-7271
Oleksii Altukhov4
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7592-9488
Kateryna Plevako5
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7416-1347
Abstract
The complex interaction between the USA and
China, which has developed into a real
confrontation, greatly affects global politics and
economics, significantly influencing the
geopolitical situation. The political behaviour of
most countries, delicate geopolitical balance, and
the solution to global problems are now directly
dependent on changes in U.S.-China relations.
The study aims to determine the consequences of
U.S.-China relations for global politics. The
methodology of the study involved using a
comparison method, graphical analysis of the
characteristics of the role of the U.S. and China
for the respective countries (adversary, rival,
ally, partner), prognostic method and content
analysis of German political declarative
documents. Establishing optimal U.S.-China
relations would help solve the problems of global
recession, mass migration, environmental issues,
1
Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Department of World History and International Relations; Educational and Research
Institute of History, International Relations and Socio-Political Sciences, State Institution «Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National
University», Poltava, Ukraine. WoS Researcher ID: AIC-9380-2022
2
Doctor of Political Sciences, Associate Professor, Acting Head of the Department of World History and International Relations,
Educational and Research Institute of History, International Relations and Socio-Political Sciences; State Institution «Luhansk Taras
Shevchenko National University», Poltava, Ukraine. WoS Researcher ID: HKV-6878-2023
3
Doctor of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor, Department of History, V. О. Sukhomlynskyi National University of Mykolaiv,
Mykolaiv, Ukraine. WoS Researcher ID: F-6345-2019
4
PhD in Historical Sciences, Senior Lecturer, Department of World History and International Relations; Educational and Research
Institute of History, International Relations and Socio-Political Sciences; State Institution «Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National
University», Poltava, Ukraine. WoS Researcher ID: HNI-2213-2023
5
Lecturer, Department of Philosophy, Bioethics and History of Medicine, Faculty for Training of Foreign Citizens, Bogomolets
National Medical University, Kyiv, Ukraine. WoS Researcher ID: ADN-4004-2022
Mykhalskyi, I., Balatska, O., Nefodov, D., Altukhov, O., Plevako, K. / Volume 12 - Issue 68: 372-381 / August, 2023
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Russian military aggression in Ukraine, and food
security. The article reveals the pragmatic
approaches of most countries to the competition
between the U.S. and China. Identifying the
critical goals of U.S. and China relations will
help establish possible prospects for cooperation
or increased conflict due to changes in the
geopolitical situation. The study proves the need
to develop and implement strategies to support
stability, find standard solutions to global
problems, and cooperate between the U.S. and
China.
Keywords: media security, traditional media,
new media, misinformation, fake content, media
literacy.
Introduction
The critical actors in the international arena
determine the modern geopolitical situation. In
recent years, one of the most essential and
dynamic relations is between the United States of
America and the People’s Republic of China.
U.S.-China relations are of crucial importance
for global geopolitics and economics. These
countries occupy key positions in the world by
economic power, military potential,
technological development and influence on
regional and global politics.
In the past century, the U.S. and China have gone
through a challenging path – from rivalry and
conflict to establishing diplomatic relations and
cooperation. The current dynamics of interaction
between these countries have the potential for
both rapprochement and exacerbation of
contradictions, which can significantly affect the
global balance of power and geopolitical
relations. The issues of trade, technology,
cybersecurity, international sanctions, human
rights and regional conflicts have become
particularly important in U.S.-China relations.
They can also affect other countries' and regions'
socio-economic development and stability.
The world order has been undergoing significant
changes, but the increasing globalisation of the
world economy, the introduction of innovative
technologies and economic integration have
continued despite the existing crises. However,
the growth of the economic power of Asian
countries, particularly China, has contributed to
strengthening political influence, namely of new
integration initiatives and associations. The
peculiarity of these processes is that the U.S. was
not a co-founder of such associations and,
accordingly, did not take an active part in their
activities as it had used to be before (Csurgai,
2021).
Understanding the impact of U.S.-China
relations on the geopolitical situation is critical to
formulating effective strategies and policy
decisions to ensure stability and development in
the international arena. It is essential to consider
various political, economic, socio-cultural and
strategic aspects of U.S.-China relations,
especially technological development and
cybersecurity. Political decisions made by both
countries can have significant implications for
the geopolitical balance, affecting regional
conflicts, economic stability and international
order.
Contemporary U.S.-China relations relationships
are complicated due to the struggle for resources,
identity conflicts, geostrategic rivalry, and the
contradictory effects of globalisation and power
shifts. The geopolitical approach is
multidimensional and based on systems analysis,
seeking to identify the interactions at different
levels of States in multiple dimensions,
considering external and internal geopolitical
factors (Csurgai, 2021).
The 2022 G-20 Bali summit facilitated an
encouraging meeting between U.S. President J.
Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping, which
concerned the dangers of nuclear weapons. This
is evidence of the geopolitical realities in which
the U.S. is pursuing economic confrontation,
emphasising specific economic claims against
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China. In turn, fearing American military threats
in the South China Sea, the Chinese side has
taken aggressive political actions to convince the
U.S. of its military capabilities. However, if
aggressive enough, neither side wanted an actual
military confrontation. China's behaviour is
based on the situation with Russia's aggression in
Ukraine, during which the United States and its
allies supported Ukraine. At the same time,
China opposed the U.S. by passively supporting
the Russian side, which proved more dangerous
for China than for the U.S. Another factor was
the large-scale decline in the Chinese economy,
which threatened social stability. China did not
want a war that it could lose, and the U.S. was
not interested in an economic crisis in China
(Friedman, 2022).
Understanding the impact of U.S.-China
relations on the current geopolitical situation
requires a comprehensive approach that
considers political, economic, military,
technological and cultural aspects, historical
context and the role of other political actors. The
study aims to determine the impact of U.S.-China
relations on global politics. Hence, the research
objectives are as follows:
1) to prove the influence of U.S.-China
relations on global politics;
2) to identify the main factors influencing the
dynamics of geostrategic interests and
diplomatic relations;
3) to analyse the consequences of the impact of
U.S.-China relations on the geopolitical
structure on the example of individual
countries.
Literature Review
It took China only a few decades to transform
from an ordinary member of the international
community to become the most significant
regional power aspiring to become a global
player. Today, humanity is witnessing a new
confrontation between the U.S. and China,
characterized by mutual claims, trade
restrictions, and a technological struggle.
After the COVID-19 pandemic, the issue of
interests between the U.S. and China has become
more acute in the economic and trade spheres,
taking on a more ideological dimension. Trump
administration officials have been critical of
China, its government, and its violations of
human rights and international agreements.
China's high hopes for improving relations with
the U. S. in the event of J. Biden's election in the
fall of 2020 did not materialize. Although J.
Biden mostly sought to avoid escalating
ideological discussions with Chinese party
leaders, relations remained tense, and
competition intensified in various policy areas.
From China's perspective, under J. Biden's
leadership, the U.S. adopted a tougher policy,
employing sanctions and restrictions on specific
Chinese citizens based on their stance. In May
2022, Secretary of State A. Blinken emphasized
the need to enhance the country's investment
potential and collaborate with American partners
to compete with China and shift its strategic
position (Blinken, 2022).
However, the changes in the relations were not
unilateral; they were primarily driven by China
and can be partially explained by the emergence
of alternative political approaches that have
developed in recent years. The Jinping
administration is spreading the idea that China
has to act more assertively to play a much more
significant role in the world. The official
documents indicate a strengthening of
approaches aimed at integrating China's key role
in the global community. The internal policy of
China is based on the thesis of achieving the
status of a global political player by the country.
The Chinese leadership considers these tasks
quite realistic, which is being implemented as a
strategy to weaken the West and strengthen the
East (Buckley, 2021).
The military budget of China in 2022 amounted
to approximately 292 billion US dollars, which is
over 4% higher than the expenditures in 2021
(Tian et al., 2023).
China's position on its peripheral territories
related to Taiwan is also quite principled. At the
same time, China's ambitions beyond its
traditional regional role are growing. Hence, the
growing U.S. pressure leads to a specific reaction
from China regarding its vision of the balance of
power in the global public space and
international order. For example, the large-scale
One Belt, One Road project manifests China's
vision of changes and challenges to the rules and
institutions of the liberal democratic world (Yu,
2019; Glaser, 2022).
As we can see, the complexity of relations
between China and the U.S. has its historical
preconditions, which began to intensify in 2008
and created a certain unpredictability for the
further implementation of the U.S. global policy.
The strengthening of China's potential is
gradually evolving into its aspiration to
transform the existing international environment
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to achieve significant outcomes, namely creating
a favorable political climate conducive to China
(Doshi, 2021). China's neutral position after
Russia's invasion of Ukraine on 24 February
2022 was also contrary to U.S. policy. Analysing
Joe Biden's approach to the FOIP, it is clear why
China is considered the most significant potential
threat to the security of the U.S. (Lieberherr &
Maduz, 2022).
In turn, the Chinese strategy is based on the
desire to become the most considerable
economic and military power, shifting the
hegemony of the U.S. Based on the geopolitical
competition between the two countries for
political values and institutions that establish the
post-Cold War world order, China has seen
American institutions and values as an obstacle
to itself and a deterrent to growth (Doshi, 2021).
Therefore, to politically and economically
counter U.S. global influence, China has actively
begun to join regional and international
institutions.
The economic convergence of countries
characterizes the current situation, and questions
of technological security are becoming
increasingly critical. In the United States, the
CHIPS and Science Act was passed at the end of
2022 (Peters, 2022), which was supposed to
accelerate the “internalisation” of semiconductor
production. The concentration of production in
China required the reorganisation and
restructuring of the global economy and trade. At
the same time, exports of U.S. goods to China in
2020 reached $124 billion, while imports reached
$434 billion. Hence, the U.S. trade deficit with
China was $310 billion (Bureau of Economic
Analysis, 2022). China has become the largest
supplier of goods to the U.S. and the third largest
consumer of its exports after Canada and Mexico
(Chotiner, 2021).
The competition between the United States and
China is rising. In the future, rising tensions may
lead to a widening of ideological and economic
indicators, which could distinguish a bloc with
the U.S. and its allies on the one hand and the
Russian-Chinese alliance on the other, which will
strengthen resistance on various fronts in the
further global development after Russia's
invaded of Ukraine (Carlson, 2022).
The future U.S.-Chinese interaction and their
struggle will depend on the directions of China's
domestic policy and its development. There are
enough complex problems that put pressure on
the Chinese Communist Party. China’s past
socio-economic policies led to a long-term
decline in economic growth. The current
assessment of the situation shows that China's
growth could reach 2-3%, creating a completely
different future (Rajah & Leng, 2022; Grano,
2023).
The competitive confrontation between China
and the U.S. has affected small countries'
political options, and many chose between the
U.S. and China (Kuik, 2020; Tritto et al., 2022).
At the discourse level, the U.S. and China
address their supporters by characterising their
actions as a competition between effective and
lousy governance (on the part of China) and
authoritarianism and democracy (on the part of
the U.S.). Despite some economic separation,
China remains dependent on the international
trade network. The confrontation has intensified
due to the financial factor and accelerated due to
digital transformations. The extent to which this
state of affairs can shake the international
community in matters where broad cooperation
is needed also depends on other factors that may
emerge in the near future.
Methods
The study's analytical structure is based on
identifying key actions and geopolitical
orientations of the U.S. and China, which involve
defending their political, economic and military
interests. Contextual and comparative analysis of
opinion polls, reports, surveys and other sources
were used to analyse the data. The research
procedure is based on obtaining the necessary
data analysing the state of U.S.-China relations
and the attitudes of different countries to them,
the results of data analysis, and the formulation
of conclusions. The research methodology
involved the use of a comparison method,
graphical analysis of the characteristics of the
role of the U.S. and China for the respective
countries (adversary, rival, ally, partner),
prognostic method and content analysis of
German political declarative documents. The
dataset used was the results of a 2021 survey on
the perception of China's role and place in
relation to their own countries and the results of
a 2023 survey on the role and place of the U.S.
regarding their own countries. Forecasting the
geopolitical situation in ten years was based on
the survey of respondents in 2023. These surveys
were conducted by the European Council on
Foreign Relations (ECFR) in 2021 and 2023
(Krastev & Leonard, 2023; Oertel, 2021;
Moldicz, 2021).
The final stage involved determining the role and
place of China in Germany's foreign policy based
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on the content analysis of its declaration
documents. In this case, Germany is the largest
economy in the European Union and a significant
geopolitical player (Reimers, 2021; Damm,
2020).
In characterising the influence of the U.S. on the
overall geopolitical situation, the authors use data
from surveys of respondents in 10 European
countries with different levels of economic
development – Denmark, Estonia, France,
Germany, Italy, Poland, Portugal, Romania,
Spain, and the United Kingdom (Krastev &
Leonard, 2023). To characterise China's
influence on the overall geopolitical situation, the
study used data from surveys of respondents in
12 European countries (Hungary, Poland,
Estonia, Bulgaria, Italy, Denmark, Portugal,
Austria, Sweden, France, the Netherlands, and
Germany) (Oertel, 2021; Moldicz, 2021). Data
from surveys of respondents in 10 countries
(Denmark, Estonia, France, Germany, Italy,
Poland, Portugal, Romania, Spain, and the
United Kingdom) were used to determine the
overall geopolitical situation in the world based
on the analysis of policies regarding the
perception of other countries as threats or allies
for the next ten years (Krastev & Leonard, 2023).
Results
The confrontation between the U.S. and China has
led to different approaches to defining each
country's role in selected European countries. A
survey of respondents on the perception of the role
of the U.S. for their own countries was conducted
in 2023. Most respondents in eight countries
consider the United States a “necessary partner”.
However, Denmark and the United Kingdom
consider the United States an ally, while Germany
and Poland have fairly evenly split the two options
(Figure 1). Based on a similar study in 2021, fewer
Europeans saw the U.S. as an ally, and this response
was not prevalent among the citizens of the
countries surveyed (Krastev & Leonard, 2023).
Figure 1. Respondents' views on the role of the U.S. for their country in 2023, %
Source: (Krastev & Leonard, 2023)
The same approach can be used to assess China's
role in individual European countries. 47% of
respondents in Germany identified China as the
opposing party with conflictual relations with
European countries (according to a survey
conducted in 2021) (Figure 2). A similar
assessment was given by the Netherlands,
France, Portugal and other countries that took
part in the survey. Indeed, the public perception
of China as a partner in EU Member States is
relatively high, demonstrating that there are
specific common interests with Europe. Still, this
state of affairs is somewhat conditional. Despite
the perception of partnership with China as
necessary in certain areas, countries that can be
called leaders in Europe (Germany, France) have
different positions (Oertel, 2021).
32,1 43,6 51,92 41,59
25,27 31,94 26,25
41,99
25,65 22,5 21,76
42,01
39,5 31,83
2,8 41,3 33,13 45,28
41,56
47,13 44,62 49,24
16,21 11,3 10,91
44,02
17,8 15,86
17,36
12,96 21,07 24,02 16,16
3,5 1,4 2,13 0,89 4,42 8,58 4,02 1,49 1,86 3,14 4,93
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
EU (9
countries) United
Kingdom Denmark Estonia France Germany Italy Poland Portugal Romania Spain
The enemy with whom we are in conflict
An opponent – a country with which we have to compete
I don't know
The necessary partner – the country with which we have to cooperate strategically
An ally who shares our interests and values
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Figure 2. Respondents' views on China's role in their country in 2021, %
Source: (Oertel, 2021; Moldicz, 2021)
It is essential to understand specific trends that
shape U.S.-China relations to determine the
likely development of the geopolitical situation
in ten years (Table 1). The respondents in the
nine EU countries suggest that specific
associations led by the U.S. and China will
continue to compete in future. However, the
respondents from 10 European countries showed
different views on the development of the
geopolitical situation. Almost every country
demonstrates confidence in dividing the world
into two spheres of influence (the average in the
EU is 28%, Spain and Italy – 32%, and Romania
– 24%). Another opinion – that the world will be
multipolar – is widespread (average – 19%). At
the same time, many respondents could not
decide on their position (the average in 9 EU
countries is 25%, with the highest result in
France, Romania, the UK, Poland, and
Denmark). This indicates uncertainty or a lack of
relevant information among the surveyed
Europeans (Krastev & Leonard, 2023).
Table 1.
Probable scenarios of the geopolitical situation in ten years, %
EU (9
countries)
Spain
Romania
Portugal
Italy
Germany
France
Poland
Estonia
Denmark
United
Kingdom
The division of global
power between two rival
blocs with the United States
and China at the head
28
32
24
27
32
30
28
26
25
30
29
US global dominance
7
5
9
4
10
6
4
9
4
6
4
China's global dominance
9
9
8
8
15
10
7
9
5
9
11
More even distribution of
global power between
several countries
19
18
19
24
9
17
17
17
30
17
16
The global dominance of
another country (not the
U.S. or China)
4
4
5
3
6
4
3
3
2
3
2
I can't answer
25
22
25
23
23
22
33
29
20
31
30
Another option
8
9
10
9
4
10
8
7
4
9
Source: developed by authors based on Krastev and Leonard (2023)
11 87754,9 4,5 43,5 32,8 2
39 36 39
59
43 39 31 44 32 28 36 28
23 26 19
23
18 16 21
23
21 28
27
23
18 22 25
7
23 28 26
19
22 30 24
30
9794,1 11 12 17 921 12 917
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
HU PL ES BG IT AT DK PT SE FR NL DE
The enemy with whom we are in conflict
An opponent – a country with which we have to compete
I don't know
The necessary partner – the country with which we have to cooperate strategically
An ally who shares our interests and values
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The final analysis is to determine the attitude of
German political forces towards China. The
researchers have identified a critical position
towards China based on violations of civil rights,
existing geopolitical conflicts, and market
competition (Reimers, 2021). The CDU/CSU
calls for cooperation in the economic sphere,
highlighting the external and security challenges
posed by China. The political force of the Greens
focuses on upholding human rights and
addressing environmental protection through
collective problem-solving. FDP criticises China
for human rights violations and relations with
Taiwan. The Left Party is trying to maintain
equal relations with both U.S. and China. The
AFD party supports Germany's partnership in
economic projects, while being critical of China's
external interference (Damm, 2020). All centrist
parties (SPD, CDU/CSU, Alliance 90/The
Greens FDP) support the EU's 2019 formulation
of China as a partner, competitor and rival and
promote a level playing field (Table 2) and
support the growth of Europe's competitiveness,
primarily in the technological sector and
digitalization.
Table 2.
Positions of different political forces in Germany on China policy
AFD
Left
FDP
Green
SPD
CDU/CSU
Enhancement of European
Competitiveness, with a Focus on
Technological and Digital Sectors
–
–
+
+
+
+
China -The continuation of the EU
interaction
–
–
+
+
+
+
The defense against China in terms of
communication means, innovative
technologies, and data
–
–
–
+
–
+
Faire conomic relations
+
–
+
+
+
+
Creating European alternatives to the
BRI
х
–
+
+
–
Strengthening transatlantic cooperation
vis China (b).-à-(a), explicit vis
–
х
+
++
+
++
China's Involvement in Disarmament
Processes
–
+
+
+
+
–
China in the Climate Cooperation with
Sphere
–
–
–
+
+
–
-Enhancing Cooperation in the Indo
Pacific Region
–
–
+
+
–
+
Intolerance towards human rights
violations
–
–
+
+
+
–
Support for Hong Kong's Right to
Autonomy
–
–
+
+
+
–
independenceSupport for Taiwan's
–
–
+
–
–
–
Support for the Independence of
Confucius Institutes
+
–
+
–
–
–
Note: + the issue was paid attention to; – was not mentioned; x – takes the opposite position.
Source: developed by authors based on Reimers (2021) and Damm, (2020)
These political forces are critical of China and its
geostrategic challenges, market interaction, and
human rights violations. The Social Democratic
Party of Germany considers dialogue with China
appropriate but cannot ignore the issue of Hong
Kong's autonomy or the Xinjiang Problem. The
FDP has clearly expressed its position on the
unacceptability of human rights violations and
the need for cooperation with Taiwan. Most
political forces consider it appropriate to
cooperate with China at various levels. The
Green Party does not object to the U.S. proposal
to confront China and its democratic allies
jointly. This is the position of the CDU/CSU and
the Greens within the framework of transatlantic
cooperation. Future approaches to Germany's
economic cooperation with China may move
towards a reduction, given the growing need for
security, the use of technology, and the need for
active support from Western partners in
countering the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
Discussion
The study of the importance of U.S.-China
relations for global politics, the identification of
the main factors influencing their dynamics, and
the analysis of the consequences of this influence
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on the geopolitical structure of the world have
certain limitations and caveats. The respondents'
perceptions of the countries used in the study are
based on their own understanding, which may
not be related to political, economic or military
analysis. Thus, a certain percentage of subjective
results may be expected. In addition, the
available data contains only a limited number of
countries (12 in one case and 9 in the other),
which does not reveal the complete picture of
different regional groups and individual
countries. The analysis of responses related to
China was based on the public position in 2021.
At the same time, German political forces'
assessment of China shows a much more robust
level of professionalism in declaring the
consequences of the geopolitical situation.
Some researchers suggest that continued U.S.
cooperation with China is unlikely to soften the
latter's position on specific global issues, and
individual countries will face the problem of
choosing allies. These results are confirmed, for
example, by a study of South Korea's foreign
relations, where a complex process of choosing
individual strategic actions towards the U.S. and
China is underway. This requires a complex
foreign policy programme, considering polarised
opinions on relations with the U.S. and China
(Heiduk, 2022).
The competition for power between the U.S. and
China in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea
also considers developing countries (Singapore,
Indonesia, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia).
Specific diplomatic isolation should localise
China's actions to minimise its recent military
actions (Vo et al., 2023). This may indicate that
the U.S.-China rivalry intensifies regional
conflicts, stimulating ties between other
countries and their attempts to gain support from
global rivals, thuswise changing the nature of
regional problems (Schindler & DiCarlo, 2022).
China has to confront the growing military,
diplomatic and technological coordination
between democratic countries in the Eastern part
of the world that are allies of the U.S. (Japan,
India, Australia, and South Korea). In case of
increased mutual confrontation, this will force
both the U.S. and China to seek approaches to
these countries to continue influencing players in
the region (Wyne, 2022).
We have different situational solutions based on
the analysed impact of U.S.-China relations on
the geopolitical situation and, consequently, the
movement of certain countries in support of each
party's position. For example, one of China's
partners, Serbia, has stated that the Russian-
occupied Crimea and Donbas belong to
Ukrainian territories. For the U.S., it is critical
that China and Russia strengthen their
cooperation, which would harm both its
economic interests and the war's end in Ukraine.
Another area is the U.S. effort to preserve the
status quo in Taiwan, which China seeks to take
control of even by military means. Although
China does not intend to launch a forceful
scenario, considering the excessive economic
risks. On the other hand, the possibility of ending
the war in Ukraine, if Ukraine achieves its goals,
will help improve relations between the U.S. and
China. In the absence of Ukraine's military
success, U.S.-China relations may further
deteriorate, manifesting as a strengthening of the
anti-Western coalition (Zhang, 2023).
The U.S. should demonstrate readiness to change
relations depending on the actions of the Chinese
side and recognise China's contribution to the
agenda in case of its positive steps. Establishing
optimal U.S.-China relations will help to
strengthen the resolution of the global recession,
mass migration, environmental issues, the
Russian invasion of Ukraine, food security, and
nuclear threats posed by North Korea. In the
short term, the U.S. and China will be political
and economic rivals, while the priority should be
to solve global and domestic problems rather
than a global confrontation between the two
countries.
Conclusions
The study emphasizes the significant role of the
U.S.-China rivalry in shaping the global
geopolitical situation, which requires developing
and implementing strategies to maintain stability,
finding standard solutions to global problems,
cooperation and peaceful coexistence between
the U.S. and China. Such strategies should
consider political, economic, climate, security,
socio-cultural and technological dimensions of
relations between the two countries.
At the same time, the study identified potential
risks and challenges associated with U.S.-China
relations. Disagreements in trade, cybersecurity,
human rights, and other areas could lead to
increased tension and uncertainty in the
international arena, as evidenced by the role and
place of the two global players for individual
countries (adversary, rival, partner, ally). To
ensure stability and peace, it is essential that the
U.S. and China focus on maintaining an open and
constructive dialogue, using the mechanisms of
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international organisations to address problems
jointly.
Understanding each party's main motivations and
goals for U.S.-China relations will help
determine possible prospects for cooperation or
conflict. Consideration of the impact of their
relationship on regional stability, the balance of
power and interaction with other states in Asia
and the Pacific will provide a complete picture of
its geostrategic significance. Taking into account
trade ties, investment flows, and competition in
the economic sphere will improve the
understanding of the impact of these relations on
the global economy and the formation of new
economic blocs. Analysing the two countries'
participation in international conflicts and
security will help identify possible ways to
manage threats and ensure stability jointly.
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