Volume 12 - Issue 68
/ August 2023
141
http:// www.amazoniainvestiga.info ISSN 2322- 6307
DOI: https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.68.08.13
How to Cite:
Halytska-Didukh, T., Salata, S., Nashyvochnikov, O., Leyla, D., & Solovei, H. (2023). Emergence of modern historical policy in
the Russian-Ukrainian war Context: Assessing transformations in global order paradigms and present challenges. Amazonia
Investiga, 12(68), 141-150. https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.68.08.13
Emergence of modern historical policy in the Russian-Ukrainian war
context: Assessing transformations in global order paradigms and
present challenges
Surgimiento de la política histórica moderna en el contexto de la Guerra Ruso-Ucraniana:
Evaluación de las transformaciones en los paradigmas del orden mundial y retos actuales
Received: July 23, 2023 Accepted: August 29, 2023
Written by:
Tamara Halytska-Didukh1
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0950-5182
Serhii Salata2
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4753-6753
Oleksandr Nashyvochnikov3
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4197-6408
Derviş Leyla4
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9396-9018
Halyna Solovei5
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3156-3829
Abstract
The purpose of the article is to study
contemporary historical policy in the context of
the Russian-Ukrainian war and against the
background of paradigm shifts in the world order
and other contemporary challenges. To achieve
this goal, the article uses the methods of critical
analysis of literature (content analysis),
historical-comparative, and historical-
typological methods. The results show that
historical politics is becoming an important
component of modern life in Ukrainian society,
especially in the context of the Russian invasion.
The use of history as an instrument of expansion
has become an essential feature of Russian
politics. This model can be seen as an attempt to
restore Soviet identity, with a strong emphasis on
“common history and brotherhood.” The modern
version of this idea, promoted by the Kremlin, is
based on the concept of reviving Russian
influence after the collapse of the Soviet Union
1
PhD of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor of the Department of History of Ukraine and methods of teaching history, Faculty
of History, Politology and International Relations, Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University, Ivano-Frankivsk, Ukraine.
2
PhD of Historical Sciences, Leading Researcher of the Research Department of War History and Martial Arts Educational and
Scietific Center for Military History, The National Defence University of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine.
3
PhD of Historical Sciences, Doctoral student of the Educational and Scietific Center for Military History, The National Defence
University of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine.
4
Doctor of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor, Akdeniz University, Faculty of Letters, History Department, Antalya, Turkey.
5
PhD of Historical Sciences, Head of Department, Document Support and Preservation of Scientific Funds, National Scientific
Agricultural Library of the National Academy of Agrarian Sciences of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine.
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(which, in the Kremlin's view, was a geopolitical
catastrophe) on the territories of independent
states. The conclusions emphasise that such
manifestations of chauvinistic historical policy
have become a tool in the hybrid war against
Ukraine and the democratic world as a whole.
Keywords: Russian-Ukrainian war, historical
politics, aggression, politics of memory.
Introduction
Russia's aggression against Ukraine in 2014
opened up a new perspective on the historical
past of the country for Ukrainian society, which
in many aspects began to differ from Russian or
post-Soviet paradigms. The Revolution of
Dignity and the armed aggression and occupation
of the Crimean peninsula by Russia
demonstrated the vulnerability of Ukrainian
public opinion to externally imposed stereotypes
about the past. Thanks to the interest in the events
of Ukrainian history, when the Kremlin
authorities launched a new large-scale invasion
of Ukraine in 2022, society was better prepared
to counter hybrid challenges and threats. First of
all, it was the active spread of ideological theses
about “brotherly peoples,” “common history”,
joint profitable projects in economic and social
life - common, as it turned out, Russian
propaganda sifas that were put at the service of
the imperial ambitions of the Kremlin authorities
and Russians who actively supported this policy.
Research problem
Although Ukrainian politics after the Russian
invasion did not develop into a clear separate
branch of the humanitarian policy conducted by
state institutions, the spread of real historical
research, the popularity of relevant videos and
programmes on television and the Internet, etc.
have gained considerable weight against the
backdrop of confrontation with Russian
propaganda. As a result, the fashion for historical
knowledge has become an important component
of public life in Ukraine, and although it cannot
be called total, its manifestations will continue to
require unification into a certain unified whole -
a common and popularised vision of the
Ukrainian past, formalised in political decisions.
On the other hand, the analysis of the Russian
experience demonstrates how a monopoly on
power and historical policy can lead to the
formation of a biased, authoritarian picture of the
world and cause tectonic shifts in public
sentiment towards post-Soviet revanchism and
Russian imperial thought. Even the very
combination of the monarchical imperial past
and the Soviet government (which, as you know,
exterminated all manifestations of belonging to
the monarchical environment) demonstrates the
deliberate formation of a political line aimed at
external expansion.
Research focus
Against the backdrop of the unfolding Russian
aggression and counteraction to its
manifestations in the humanitarian sphere, the
creation and conduct of Ukrainian historical
policy demonstrates the importance of this area
for modern society. The lack of skills in
conducting historical policy and discussions
about its feasibility indicate a further need to
discuss this issue against the background of
considering the opinions of reputable scholars,
building new concepts and hypotheses aimed at
improving knowledge and the role of history in
society. At the same time, such a process will
require an analysis of the challenges of our time
related to the rapid development of digital
technologies, hybrid threats, etc., since historical
policies are also being formed in other countries,
and their experience can be useful even in the
difficult times of war with the Russian regime.
Research aim and research questions
Therefore, the purpose of the article is to analyse
the formation of the latest historical policy in the
context of the Russian-Ukrainian war and against
the background of changes in the paradigm of the
world order and other challenges of our time. The
realisation of this goal involves consideration of
the following tasks: 1. to highlight the
peculiarities of Ukrainian historical policy
against the background of global
transformations. 2. Consideration of the modern
Russian historical policy as an instrument of
political pressure and formation of the challenge
of instability in international relations.
Halytska-Didukh, T., Salata, S., Nashyvochnikov, O., Leyla, D., Solovei, H. / Volume 12 - Issue 68: 141-150 / August, 2023
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Theoretical Framework or Literature Review
The term “historical politics,” which originated
in the 1980s in Germany and was reintroduced in
the early 2000s by a group of Polish historians,
quickly spread to other countries of Central and
Eastern Europe. It has come to denote the sharp
intensification of the use of history for political
purposes that took place in the early twenty-first
century in Eastern Europe (Stryjek, 2007).
Liebsch (1995) actually identifies these
processes and advocates the use of the term
“memory politics” instead of “historical
politics”, defining the former as “any deliberate
and formally legitimate actions of politicians and
officials aimed at strengthening, deleting or
overcoming certain fragments of public
memory”. According to some contemporary
historians, the phenomenon of politicisation of
history is an eternal and inevitable phenomenon
(Schmidtke, 2023; Verovšek, 2016). At the same
time, the politics of memory defines a set of
social practices and norms that contribute to the
regulation of collective memory (Nora, 1989;
McH & White, 1987). It is also inevitable and has
existed since ancient times. At the same time, the
phenomenon of historical politics seems to be a
new, specific phenomenon, the existence of
which is possible in various democratic and civil
societies that allow for a plurality of opinions and
interpretations (Wertsch et al., 2022). It is
defined as a set of practices through which
certain political forces seek to establish certain
interpretations of historical events as important.
In modern Ukrainian history, the concept of
“historical politics” began to be introduced into
scientific and journalistic circulation at the turn
of the 2010s and 2020s. Initially, this was due to
the reaction of a part of the Ukrainian academic
community to the government's attempts to
interfere in the struggle of public groups for the
right to approve their interpretation of significant
historical events. On the other hand, this issue
has become more relevant in view of the
outbreak and development of the Russian-
Ukrainian war.
American researchers who pay attention to the
evolution of Ukrainian historiography after
Ukraine's independence point to its “exploratory
and experimental” nature, which opens up new
opportunities for scientific development in the
context of modern innovative approaches (von
Hagen, 1995). At the same time, contemporary
researchers express concern about the tendency
to return to outdated ideas about history and
historical knowledge under the influence of
certain socio-political factors. Indeed, a careful
analysis of the development of Ukrainian
historiography over the past 25 years reveals two
main trends that have influenced its content and
methodology (Zaszkilniak, 2019). These trends
are already well known to Ukrainian historians
and are actively discussed in the academic
community (See Figure 1).
Figure 1. Trends in historiography in Ukraine
Source: Zaszkilniak (2019)
Therefore, contemporary Ukrainian historians
are trying to uncover and correct numerous
falsifications or distortions of Ukraine's past that
were formed during the colonial period and the
stay in different empires, especially in Soviet
times (Zaszkilniak, 2016). This, in turn,
contributes to the formation of a national “canon”
of history, which is important for national
Trends in historiography
in Ukraine
1. Striving to uncover
falsifications and distortions of
Ukraine's past
Contributes to the formation
of the national "canon" of
history, which is important for
the national and state
consciousness
2. Implementation of global
achievements of historical
science and their use in
research
Contributes to bridging the
gap between Ukrainian
historical knowledge and the
information field and
international standards
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consciousness and social memory. The second
trend is the introduction of global achievements
of historical science and their use in research to
overcome the process of lagging behind
Ukrainian historical and academic knowledge
and the information field from international
standards (Zaszkilniak, 2019). At the same time,
interpretations of historical memory are
important, as an important part of the historical
past and present. Ukrainian researcher Kyrydon
(2013) noted that the dynamism of changes,
catalyzed by the events of the late 1980s and
early 1990s, the compression of historical time
lead to rapid transformations of social systems,
the emergence of multi-vector crises of various
levels in the development of society and the
individual. Therefore, there is the destruction of
social structures established in the past,
fundamental changes in the understanding of the
processes of being and moral and value
imperatives in the conditions of modification of
the entire socio-cultural system. Algorithms of
human social action are being transformed.
Interest in the problems of the past, history, and
memory is growing, and there is a need to rethink
the relationship between the present and the past
(Kyrydon, 2013). Therefore, the problems of the
connection between the politics of memory and
democratic transformations, memory and
political culture, the role of memory in civil
reconciliation, the achievement of tolerance and
the restoration of trust are actualized. In the
conditions of breaking the traditional foundations
of life, there is a rethinking of one's own past path
and an idea of the historical path of a group,
nation, society. There is an intensification of the
processes of unification and separation of
interests, goals of individuals, groups, and states
of various kinds of associations. The definition
and redefinition of positions and their correlation
with the positions of others is observed
(Kyrydon, 2013). Mnemology (the field of
memory study) is increasingly coming into the
field of view of representatives of the social
sciences. Therefore, the research of “memory”
has an interdisciplinary character.
Hyrych (2013) noted that Ukraine was the first
CIS country that managed to make its own set of
history textbooks and thereby manifested its
desire to win back its historical and informational
space from Russia. The reaction of the Russians
to this was sharply negative. Our textbooks were
accused of Russophobia and intolerance,
historical tendency and falsehood. Meanwhile,
the new concept of Russian historical education
during the presidency of Putin once again
interpreted the Ukrainian space as a part of the
imperial all-Russian history. Agents of Russia's
influence in Ukraine were activated, and they
began to harass the Ukrainian view of their
history. The reasons for this should be sought in
the political sphere. Tkachenko (2020) explained
the peculiarities of Russian historical politics in a
certain way. Today, Russia is much smaller than
the USSR among world powers, but it is
categorically unwilling to lose the leverage it
inherited from the postwar settlement. Hence the
Russian proposal to hold a summit of the leaders
of the five permanent members of the UN
Security Council, which Putin insists on in his
speeches. Of course, this is not the same “concert
of states” as in the 19th century, but at least
something Tkachenko (2020). Meanwhile, the
Russian government seeks to protect itself from
its deceived and robbed citizens, to offer them the
“pride of winners” instead of a free and dignified
life. As for current politics, the myth of war fuels
imperial ambitions.
Contemporary historiography discusses the
importance of academic historians in the
implementation and execution of state historical
policy. It is obvious that history, in the form of
historical knowledge and social memory, is
shaped by representatives of a particular
community, not by abstract individuals or
communities. Historians and intellectuals change
history on the basis of materials and their own
ideas about the past, which affects the current
socio-cultural context (Assmann & Czaplicka,
1995; Foscarini, 2018). The processes of
“cultural amputation” and the “model of
historical thinking and research” identified by
historians play an important role in this. This
approach evokes a dialectical dynamic between
the desire to improve the future and a constant
response to the past. Regardless of the
replacement of old historical narratives with new
ones, this dynamic remains. This inescapable
tension is analogous to the cognitive
contradiction between the known and the
knowable. Thus, history is a tool for shaping
individual and social consciousness, and its
misuse can affect the perception of the present
and the future (Kubal, 2008). Araújo & Santos
(2009) raised the issue of recovering from
traumatic situations, such as the Vietnam War,
the bombing of Hiroshima, the Holocaust, etc.
Although a number of classical works identify
important aspects related to history and memory,
there are several methods of dealing with the
past, which primarily involve state interests and
power (Confino, 1997; Dessí, 2008). At the same
time, just memory policies for certain crimes
committed in the past “depend on selection
processes as well as on elements that go beyond
human reason: a balance must be found between
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an obsession with the past and attempts to impose
forgetting”. Klymenko's (2022) study proves that
the authorities use historical narratives to support
their foreign policy programmes. This work
openly argues that in order to justify its pro-
European foreign policy strategy, Ukraine has
promoted the idea that Ukrainians have an
important historical experience similar to that of
Europe, emphasising the difference in historical
experience from Russians. According to the
authors of the article, this fact justifies the desire
of Ukrainians to distance themselves from the
Russians and become full member of the EU.
Historical knowledge is used not only for
political and ideological purposes but also for the
“legitimation” of statehood, national identity,
and group interests (Halas, 2002). Thus,
according to Kean (2021), historians have the
freedom to reinterpret the past, but their
possibilities are limited by subjective
circumstances such as socio-cultural
environment and individual experience. This can
be seen quite aptly in the study of the key aspects
of the restoration of statehood in the historical
policy of the Second Polish Republic
(Matviichuk, 2020).
At the same time, it is public history that is
important in the modern system. As Halas (2002)
argues, the flourishing of public history is linked
to the development of the nation, and thus it is
important to study the aspects through which
abstract concepts such as the nation can be
communicated. This should help to address how
different, public identities and new memories are
formed (Kubal, 2008). Current trends in world
culture emphasise that history is not only what
historians write, but also the way language is
used in public discourse (Zaszkilniak, 2019).
Nevertheless, the future can be seen as a number
of possible alternatives, and it is also shaped by
ideological perspectives (See Figure 2).
Figure 2. Historical politicals
Source: author's own development
Thus, historical narratives reflect dependence on
modernity, but also allow for the historian's
“freedom of non-freedom”. The specialist should
be aware that the object of knowledge can also be
a subject and an actor, depending on the
researcher's point of view.
Methodology
The methodological basis of the study is made up
of special historical and general scientific
(theoretical) research methods. In particular, a
critical analysis of the literature (content
analysis) was used: a retrospective analysis of
academic and literature helped to find out what
views were expressed earlier on the formation of
historical policy, what concepts and theories
were considered. This allowed us to identify
changes in approaches and challenges faced by
contemporary researchers. Among the historical
research methods, the following have become
important: historical-comparative and historical-
typological. In particular, as a result of using the
method of comparative analogy, the established
interpretations of historical events in Russian and
Ukrainian scholarship have been revised. The use
of historical-typological and historical-systemic
research methods allowed us to consider
historical phenomena in a broader context,
analyse connections, analogies, and
Historical Politics
Public History
History and memory are
understood as forms of
interpretation of the past
Historical
Memory
Contrasting
history and
politics
Memory Policy
Identifying
history and
politics
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interrelationships, which contributed to a deep
and comprehensive understanding of the process
of historical policy formation and the challenges
this process may face.
Results and Discussion
Historical Policy in Ukraine: Current Status
and Prospects
Conducting historical politics is a much broader
concept than political interference in the
understanding or teaching of historical science
(Zaretsky, 2013). At the heart of historical policy
is the transmission of various kinds of memories
and experiences, as well as the disclosure of
unknown or forgotten facts, i.e. it is a kind of
policy towards history and memory (Connerton,
2012). The main goal of the Ukrainian memory
policy, according to researchers, is to construct
cultural memory and create a separate model of
political vision of the Ukrainian national past. In
addition, historical policy is aimed at creating
socially important historical images, and identity
paradigms used in rituals or social and scientific
discourse (Bertelsen, 2017). The Ukrainian
democratic society does not limit historical
policy to the political sphere, but also involves
scholars, teachers, specialists in archives, public
communication, etc.
The implementation of the memory policy in
Ukraine also has certain peculiarities. In
particular, there is an additional emphasis on the
colonial Soviet past of the Ukrainian people,
which will require further development in the
context of global transformations caused by
Russian aggression against Ukraine (Lysenko,
2022). Thus, among the distinctive features of
Ukrainian memory policy are the following:
1. The struggle for the recognition of the
Holodomor of 1932-1933 as genocide of the
Ukrainian people under the totalitarian rule
of the “Red Russians”. Although the
Holodomor and its consequences have long
been discussed in academic and journalistic
circles, the emphasis on these tragic events
began only in the twenty-first century. The
opening of relevant museum complexes
(including the National Museum
“Holodomor Victims Memorial in
Ukraine”), the adoption and annual
commemoration of the tragedy of the
Ukrainian people were important steps
towards establishing knowledge about the
horrific events of Stalin's time in Ukrainian
society (Lysenko, 2022). At the same time,
the processes of understanding the real
significance of the Holodomor intensified
after February 2022, when the real crimes of
Russians in the occupied Ukrainian lands
demonstrated the extreme cruelty of
ordinary Russian soldiers. The Russian
scheme of history, designed to emphasise
“fraternal relations” with Ukrainians and
deny Russian crimes in the past, has been
confronted with an irrefutable reality. In
addition, while earlier international
recognition of the Holodomor of 1932-1933
as an act of genocide was modest, against the
backdrop of the crimes of Russian troops,
the international community is more actively
recognising the fact of genocide at the
international level.
2. Revise current school textbooks on
Ukrainian history, law, geography, and
ethics, as they may contain elements of the
Soviet concept of Ukraine's development
(Yakovenko, 2009). The emphasis should be
on the development of new educational
programmes, and textbooks should be
created in accordance with the traditions of
the Ukrainian historical school and the
Eurocentric perspective of Ukraine's future.
The promotion of Ukraine's Ukraine-centric
humanitarian policy is also important. To do
this, it is necessary to introduce special
courses, hold open lectures, create
programmes on television channels and
special social media platforms that will tell
the population about the true history of
Ukraine at a popular scientific level
(Lysenko, 2022). It is also important to
support documentary and historical films,
create historical online content, etc. to
promote Ukraine's historical heritage. Given
the Ukrainian segment of the popular
YouTube service, some successes in this
regard are tangible. Russian aggression has
led to Ukrainian viewers deliberately
refusing to watch Russian content and
turning their attention to Ukrainian
platforms.
3. Decommunisation and rehabilitation of
fighters against the Soviet regime. To date,
the process of renaming streets is in its final
stages. However, once it is completed, the
main focus should be on reviewing and
transforming Soviet institutional norms and
other operating principles. This will allow
for the official eradication of Soviet working
methods from many state institutions.
Preference should be given to European
standards, taking into account the Ukrainian
national heritage. A separate stage will be
the official implementation of
decolonisation (Kuzio, 2022). This means
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defining the key principles for removing
certain names and monuments associated
with the Ukrainian territories being under
the rule of empires from public space. On the
other hand, it is important to complement
this process by creating new monuments and
street names in honour of Ukraine's
contemporary heroes. This will help
strengthen the national idea and remind all
Ukrainians of the dignity and honour of
Ukraine's defenders. Given the conditions of
the Russian-Ukrainian war, the formation of
a Ukrainian pantheon of heroes could
become an important part of the ideological
influence on the Ukrainian people.
4. Supporting research in the humanities (in
particular, in the historical field).
Establishing new research centres and
supporting existing ones will make it
possible to rethink certain elements of
Ukrainian history and build new research
based on modern paradigms of scientific
knowledge. For example, the Russian
aggression against Ukraine in 2014 is
incompletely represented in such a specific
field as oral history. At the same time, the
events of February 2022 are full of materials
that can be used in future research.
The Ukrainian version of historical policy
manifests a complex interaction of identity
issues, collective memory, and the reconstruction
of post-Soviet remnants in the interpretation of
the past. Historical policy is intended to form the
foundations of the state: it promotes its internal
and external recognition and activates the
mobilisation of society.
Russia's Challenge to Historical Politics: A
Model for the Unification of History, State
Power and Violence
History is important for legitimising the
existence of the state and shaping national
consciousness, but it can also be used as a tool to
exert influence on society and impose a
politically motivated vision of the past (Kuo &
Marwick, 2021). Under such circumstances, in
its efforts to implement an aggressive policy, the
official Kremlin has developed and partially
implemented a conquering historical strategy,
which at the present stage is aimed at destroying
Ukrainian political independence, destroying
human and economic potential, and seizing
territories (Claessen, 2021). Current events in the
course of Russian aggression indicate that history
can be used as a powerful tool in hybrid warfare.
At the same time, other researchers also
emphasise that historical policy is also quite
effective in non-military use (Foscarini, 2018). In
modern scholarship, the term “historical politics”
reflects a set of practices through which states try
to consolidate specific interpretations of
historical events, phenomena, and facts as
acceptable and dominant (Bînă & Dragomir,
2020). Some experts view historical policy as a
means of transmitting specific socio-political
values by the state.
Today, it is clear that the official Kremlin's
historical policy towards Ukraine is implemented
through the prism of imposing foreign values on
Ukrainian society. Attempts by the Russian
authorities to position themselves as a kind of
superpower seem to be based on the “historical”
existence of a powerful and separate Russian
nation. The basis of this scheme is the common
origin and unity of the Eastern Slavs: Ukrainians,
Belarusians, and Russians (Parshyn, 2018). In
addition, the latter are recognised as “big
brothers” on whose will the life of the “smaller”
Ukrainian and Belarusian nations should depend.
This model can be perceived as an attempt to
restore the Soviet identity, which emphasised
“common history and brotherhood” (Kuzio,
2022). The post-Soviet version of this model,
disseminated by the Kremlin, placed the revival
of Russian power after the collapse of the Soviet
Union (which was allegedly a geopolitical
disaster for the local elite) on the territory of
sovereign countries at the heart of the concept of
historical policy. This idea is based on several
principles: the Western democratic world's
attempts to divide the “great nation” by rewriting
history, the lack of acceptance of new borders,
and the disrespect and recognition of the national
cultures of Ukraine and Belarus as marginal
(Gorinov & Mereniuk, 2022).
The restoration of the lost superpower status led
the Russian leadership to form and implement
broad supranational projects, such as the
Eurasian Economic Union or the military
Collective Security Treaty Organisation. The
vulnerability of these structures was that Ukraine
did not join any of these supranational
organisations. As researchers rightly point out,
without Ukraine, Russia's re-emergence as a
European “superpower” is impossible.
When formulating the concept of historical
policy, the Ukrainian side should take into
account that the Kremlin regime constantly refers
to historical manipulations that try to argue its
right to resources and territories. The Russian
leadership actively uses the idea of the “Russian
world”, which, in theory, justifies the annexation
of Ukrainian territories (Lysenko, 2022).
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According to this concept, the occupation of
Crimea was of particular importance, as the
Russian authorities claimed that the peninsula
was a symbolic place where Prince Volodymyr
of Kyiv was baptised. However, these and many
other interpretations are subject to historical
debate and are erroneous from a historical and
legal perspective. It is worth noting that Prince
Volodymyr Sviatoslavovych ruled Kyiv in the
late 10th and early 11th centuries. In addition, the
international community does not believe that
there is any basis in international law for
justifying current political actions by using
events that happened to historical figures more
than a thousand years ago.
The new Russian aggression in 2022
demonstrated attempts to implement aggressive
historical policy in practice (Bînă & Dragomir,
2020). Ukrainian school textbooks, historical and
fiction books were destroyed in the occupied
Ukrainian territories. At the same time, the
Russian leadership, which was unable to clearly
define the goals and purpose of its aggression,
rejoiced at the restoration of “historically just”
territorial gains, including the transformation of
the Azov Sea into Russian inland waters (as
allegedly bequeathed by the Russian imperial
authorities). The use of “historical rights”
became an important part of first the policy of
historical memory, and then the armed invasion.
Obviously, these developments in the strategy of
historical policy in Ukraine will be aimed at
overcoming these Russian projects, but it should
be acknowledged that these actions are
threatening to the system of international security
and stability. The model of historical policy
development proposed by the Kremlin regime
demonstrates the willingness of authoritarian
political groups to find motives and justifications
for aggressive actions, demonstrating in the
international arena the supposed historical justice
of such steps (restoration of the USSR and
destruction of Ukrainian independence,
belonging of these territories to the empire, etc.
It can be argued that historical policy has become
an element of the hybrid war declared by the
Russian authorities against Ukrainians and other
democratic countries, so countering this
challenge can be overcome by truthful coverage
of historical events, promotion of historical
knowledge, etc.
Conclusions
Thus, historical politics is an important part of
contemporary Ukrainian society, actively
developing against the backdrop of the Russian
invasion. The Kremlin regime, which apparently
aimed to destroy Ukraine, has achieved the
opposite result at the present stage - the
consolidation of Ukrainians has also been based
on the idea of a common historical unity. For this
reason, the further development of Ukrainian
historical policy is quite natural. As
demonstrated, it covers the problems of
decommunisation, the formation of a new
pantheon of heroes, overcoming the Soviet past
in training and education programmes, the
development of culture, humanities, including
history. The further development of historical
policy may also be caused by its special position
in Russian reality. The use of history as an
instrument of expansion has become an
important feature of Russian politics. This model
can be seen as an attempt to restore the Soviet
identity, where great emphasis was placed on
“common history and brotherhood”.
The modern version of this idea, promoted by the
Kremlin, is based on the concept of reviving
Russian influence after the collapse of the Soviet
Union (which was predicted to be a geopolitical
disaster for the local elite) on the territories of
sovereign states. This idea is based on several
principles: the Western democratic world's
attempts to “divide a great nation” by rewriting
its history, its refusal to recognise new borders,
and its disregard for the national cultures of
Ukraine and Belarus. To sum up, historical
policy has become a component of the hybrid
war that the Russian authorities have launched
against Ukraine and other democratic countries.
Therefore, to counter this challenge, it is
necessary to use truthful coverage of historical
events, dissemination of historical knowledge,
and other relevant methods. At the same time, the
development of specific methods of countering
hybrid challenges in the historical sphere will
require further updating.
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