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/ April 2023
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.64.04.17
How to Cite:
Gryshchenko, I., Lazor, O., Oliinyk, V., Lazor, O., & Yunyk, I. (2023). Strategic public policy providers in the context of european
integration. Amazonia Investiga, 12(64), 175-187. https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.64.04.17
Strategic public policy providers in the context of european integration
Провайдери стратегічної державної політики в контексті європейської інтеграції
Received: April 10, 2023 Accepted: May 25, 2023
Written by:
Iryna Gryshchenko1
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8191-1177
Researcher ID: H-8407-2018
Oleh Lazor2
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5989-8527
Volodymyr Oliinyk3
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4647-2658
Researcher ID: F-6132-2019
Oksana Lazor4
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7699-8338
Iryna Yunyk5
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0985-1800
Abstract
The media system, public and volunteer
organizations are a powerful “weapon” under
martial law, which protects the people and the
Armed Forces of Ukraine from the influence of
Russian propaganda and misinformation in the
course of informational and psychological
warfare. The war and European integration
processes cause a number of changes in the
activities of public policy providers. In this
regard, the aim of the article is to study the
transformation of activity of public policy
providers under martial law and European
integration, as well as their impact on social
processes. The main methods of the article are
doctrinal approach and statistical methods. The
conducted research established that “social
provider” is an apt brand of a modern socially
beneficial public organization. The important
role of the changes made to the existing
legislation regarding public policy providers
after the full-scale invasion was noted, especially
in the context of the harmonization of the
national legal framework with the EU legal
1
Doctor of Public Administration Sciences, Associate Professor of Department of Public Administration and Innovation Management,
National University of Life and Environmental Sciences of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine.
2
Doctor of Public Administration Sciences, Professor of the Department of Public Management and Administration, Faculty of Law,
Public Management and Administration, Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University, Vinnytsia, Ukraine.
3
Doctor of Public Administration Sciences, Professor of Department of Public Administration and Innovation Management, National
University of Life and Environmental Sciences of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine.
4
Doctor of Public Administration Sciences, Professor of the Department of Public Management and Administration, Faculty of Law,
Public Management and Administration, Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University, Vinnytsia, Ukraine.
5
Ph.D. in Public Administration, Associate Professor of the Public Management and Administration, Faculty of Law, Public
Management and Administration, Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University, Vinnytsia, Ukraine.
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framework. Some indicators of the consumption
of mass information were analysed. The further
research may focus on an in-depth analysis of the
influence of manipulations on public views using
the example of one of the leading online media
channels.
Keywords: public policy providers, mass media,
public organizations, martial law, European
integration, propaganda.
Introduction
The powerful influence of the media system —
public policy providers, public and volunteer
organizations — on the level of public
awareness, public sentiment and the level of trust
in the country’s defence during the war cannot be
underestimated. The main tasks of public policy
providers are to deliver current information about
important events to the population, without
violating the security of Ukraine’s national
interests, exerting influence on state authorities,
in particular with the aim of observing and
ensuring public interests, conducting campaigns
to improve media literacy for the population, etc.
There is no doubts that journalistic standards and
the work of public organizations during the war
undergo changes and are influenced by the
requirements imposed by wartime. Besides, their
activities are significantly influenced by
European integration processes (Sologoub,
2022), corresponding changes in the legislative
framework (Shmalenko & Matvienkiv, 2022), as
well as the global trend towards digital
transformation (Yoo & Yi, 2022; Gomez-Trujillo
& Gonzalez-Perez, 2022; Yuan et al., 2023),
leading to the transition of many public policy
providers to the online environment. The
important role of public policy providers in the
life of the population in combination with
modern transformational processes determines
the high relevance of the issue under research.
Moreover, the role of public policy providers is
not reduced to delivering certain information to
the public and interacting with government
agencies. Along with the invasion of the
sovereign territory of Ukraine, the aggressor
conducts an informational and psychological war
against the state (Kalynovska, 2022; Dunayeva,
2022; Oleinik, 2023; Gryshchenko et al., 2021).
Therefore, one of the main tasks of public policy
providers is to counter manipulation and
propaganda.
So, the aim of the article is to study the
transformation of the activity of public policy
providers under martial law and in the context of
European integration, and their impact on social
processes. The aim involved the fulfilment of the
following research objectives:
− Provide the definition of public policy
providers and strategic public policy
providers and determine their goals;
− Study the current legislation and changes in
the legislative framework regarding the
activities of public policy providers, in
particular mass media and public
organizations, in the context of military
operations and European integration
processes;
− Analyse indicators of media consumption by
the population of Ukraine, in particular,
assess the level of trust in social institutions,
satisfaction with the information received, as
well as the level of media literacy of the
population, and determine the main sources
of information.
According to the tasks set in the article, the main
research questions of the work should be defined
as follows:
• Which organizations act as public policy
providers, what are their goals, and which
are the leading providers of public policy
operating in Ukraine?
• What laws govern public policy providers,
and how have they changed since the full-
scale invasion?
• How can the impact and effectiveness of
public policy providers be assessed, and
what key indicators can be used in such an
assessment?
Literature Review
Certain aspects of public policy coverage as a
special sphere of interaction and dialogue
between the authorities and civil society are a
relevant topic for Ukrainian and foreign
researchers. Kurgat and Jerop (2023) study the
impact of mass media as key providers of public
Gryshchenko, I., Lazor, O., Oliinyk, V., Lazor, O., Yunyk, I. / Volume 12 - Issue 64: 175-187 / April, 2023
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policy on society. The researchers note the
significant influence of mass media on citizens,
as the latter need relevant and current
information. In their study, the researchers
present several views on the relationship between
mass media and citizens. Soroka and Wlezien
(2019) deal with the public policy coverage by
mass media. The researchers rightly point out
that citizens often do not directly feel the
government’s policy, learning about its decisions
through the media. Therefore, the way the mass
media covers information affects both public
opinion and politics itself.
Many studies deal with the changing influence of
public policy providers on the state and society
in the era of digital transformation. The
importance of this issue is determined by the
threats generated by the Internet sphere, which
influence the formation of public opinion and are
actually beyond control. The work of Habermas
(2022) is worth noting among the studies on the
mutual influence of mass media and
digitalization. Studying the structural
transformation of the political and public sphere,
the researchers reveal the impact of digitalization
on mass media, which consists in reducing the
role of classic mass media, displacing newspaper
and magazine publishing, as well as in the
emergence of a number of certain threats to the
traditional role of the public sphere. Baum and
Potter (2019) deal with the aspects of media,
public opinion, and foreign policy in the age of
social media. Researchers established that the
advent of the Internet caused fundamental
changes in mass media and politics. One of the
consequences of such changes is the disposition
of voters to reflexive and long-term support for
the elected leaders and disapproval of the
opposition. McGregor (2019) examines how
journalists use social media to represent public
opinion. The researchers established that social
media, on the one hand, expand the idea of public
opinion, while representing a more fragmented
sense of the public on the other hand.
Important achievements of researchers taken into
account in this article are studies on the spread of
misinformation and propaganda in the
information sphere, and countering it by social
providers. Konstankevych et al. (2022) examine
the issue of media manipulation as a means of
information warfare. In their work, scientists
reveal typological signs, linguistic markers and
methods of fact checking. The researchers note
that these communication technologies are used
not only for propaganda, but for the Russian “war
of meanings” against Ukraine. Arroyave and
Romero-Moreno (2022) study the impact of
misinformation spread through digital media
(social networks) on the course of the conflict in
Colombia. The researchers established the
significant role of propaganda and manipulation
through Twitter, which contributed to the
rejection of the peace agreement. Schmitt (2021)
considered the attitude of the public in the EU to
relations between the EU and China, India, and
the Russian Federation. In general, the work
focuses on the influence of Twitter on the public
opinion and EU foreign affairs, as well as the
attitude of the population of EU countries to pro-
Russian propaganda.
Some studies cover the importance of public
organizations as one of the main providers of
public policy. Vozniuk (2021) examines the role
of public organizations in protecting the
information space of Ukraine. The study focuses
on countering cyberattacks, but other measures
of public associations’ struggle against the
aggressor are also noted. Some works are
focused on shortcomings in the interaction of
public organizations and the state. Thus,
Prykhodko and Dokalenko (2020) study the role
of interaction between public authorities and
civil society institutions in Ukraine. The
researchers established a number of problems in
the mechanism of their interaction. Among other
things, the researchers note that the public
organizations are insufficiently effective, and
sometimes hinder the normal functioning of the
government.
This study takes into account the work of
researchers on the influence of public policy
providers on society and the state. In particular,
the following areas are distinguished:
identification of the most influential public
policy providers for the public opinion,
legislative support for their activities, as well as
the study of indicators of information
consumption in terms of digitalization.
Methods and Materials
Research design
As follows from the aim of the article, the
research is based on the analysis of the activity
and the influence of public policy providers on
socio-political processes. For this purpose, the
first stage of the research provided for the
definition of public policy providers (or social
providers), as well as strategic public policy
providers at using general scientific research
methods, in particular methods of analysis,
synthesis, classification. The list of the most
influential (strategic) public policy providers was
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determined and classified into three main
categories: public organizations, television
channels, and Internet sources.
The second stage of the research involved the
study of the current legislation of Ukraine related
to the activities of public policy providers using
the doctrinal approach. The main provisions of
the legislative acts adopted after the large-scale
invasion, as well as related to the need to
harmonize the legal framework with European
standards and norms were studied.
The third stage provided for determining the
influence of public policy providers on the public
opinion by researching individual indicators of
media consumption. The analysis took into
account the level of trust of the population in
social institutions, the level of satisfaction with
the information provided, the level of media
literacy of the population, and also the main
sources citizens receive information from. At this
stage, statistical analysis of the results of two
publicly available surveys was applied. The first
survey (Omnibus) is designed to study the
dynamics of trust in social institutions in 2021-
2022 (Figure 2). The survey was conducted by
the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology
(KIIS) using computer-assisted telephone
interviews (CATI) based on a sample of random
mobile phone numbers. The survey involved a
total of 995 adult (over 18 years old) respondents
who live in all regions of Ukraine, except Crimea
and territories that were not under the control of
Ukraine before the beginning of the invasion.
The sample did not include citizens who left the
territory of the country after the invasion
(February 24, 2022). The second survey —
Ukrainian Media, Attitude and Trust in 2022 —
(Figures 3-5) was carried out by InMind on
behalf of the international organization Internews
and was conducted at home. The survey involved
3,200 respondents living in cities with more than
50,000 inhabitants (USAID-Internews, 2022).
Information background
The information background of the research is
academic periodicals of Ukraine and other
countries, the results of public surveys Dynamics
of Trust in Social Institutions in 2021-2022 and
Ukrainian Media, Attitude and Trust in 2022
(USAID-Internews, 2022), as well as laws of
Ukraine and other regulatory acts. They include,
in particular Law of Ukraine “On Public
Associations”, Law of Ukraine “On State
Support of Mass Media and Social Protection of
Journalists”, Law of Ukraine “On Information”,
Law of Ukraine “On Media”, Law of Ukraine
“On National Security of Ukraine”, Decision of
the Council of National Security and Defence of
Ukraine “On Information Security Strategy”,
Decree of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine
“On approval of the Strategy for Communication
of the European Integration of Ukraine 2026”
(Law 4572-VI, 2013; Law 2469-VIII, 2018;
Decision n0080525-21, 2021; Order 1155-2022-
р, 2022; Law 2657-XII, 2023; Law 2849-IX,
2023).
Results
The essence, purpose and main representatives
of strategic public policy providers
Which organizations act as public policy
providers, what are their goals, and which are
the leading providers of public policy operating
in Ukraine?
The phrase “social provider” or “strategic public
policy provider used in the article is an apt brand
of a modern socially beneficial public
organization whose activities are aimed at
providing individual (individual citizens) and
group (amalgamated territorial communities)
social services. The term comes from the English
noun “provider”. So, a social provider is a public
socially beneficial organization, which is a
provider of any social services.
The main social providers are mass media (mass
media), public and volunteer organizations —
that is, everyone who influences the sentiments
of society, in particular through the distribution
of news and other socially important information.
Accordingly, the main goal of public policy
providers under martial law is to provide and
cover relevant reliable information for the
population, while avoiding damage to Ukraine’s
strategic plans on the way to full independence of
its territories and the course of the war. When
positioning themselves as a social provider,
public organizations assume certain ethical and
professional responsibilities and must adhere to
the classic democratic criteria of public
management relations. Among other things, this
implies that such organizations must work
legally, act publicly, and be open to society and
the state. In such a case, the public organization
ensures its constitutional status as a public
institution independent of the state, created by
citizens to realize their interests and ensure
democratic rights and freedoms.
Given that a social provider can be any
organization or media, it is advisable to reveal the
meaning of the concept “strategic public policy
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providers” in more detail. The term “strategic”
indicates a higher impact and scale of audience
coverage by such providers. Strategic public
policy providers are a kind of a “bridge” between
the state and the population. Their purpose of a
long-term communication between all social
institutions. Such providers should have an
appropriate reputation, an established audience,
as well as a clearly defined goal. In the author’s
opinion, it should primarily take into account the
country’s national interests. Figure 1 presents
some of the most influential strategic providers.
Formulation of the definition, purpose and list of
the most influential strategic public policy
providers of Ukraine is the basis for further
research. The activities of strategic public policy
providers undergo significant changes in the
context of war and European integration, so it is
first of all advisable to examine the current
legislation that enshrines such changes.
Figure 1. The main strategic providers of public policy in Ukraine (Vozniuk, 2021; Detector Media, 2022;
Holitsyn & Frolova, 2023)
The legislative framework for the activities of
public policy providers in the context of
ensuring information security and countering
propaganda in context of war and European
integration
What laws govern public policy providers, and
how have they changed since the full-scale
invasion?
Ensuring transparent and legal activities of non-
government organizations (NGOS) requires
appropriate regulation by the state. The legal
framework of Ukraine includes a number of laws
and other acts that are directly or indirectly
related to the activities of mass media, public
organizations, as well as ensuring information
security and countering propaganda. Given that
the issue under research comprises a large
number of regulatory legal acts, it is appropriate
to consider the main ones (Figure 2).
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Figure 2. Legal framework regarding media, ensuring information security, access to information and other
related fields
The Law of Ukraine “On National Security”
(Law 2469-VIII, 2018) states that the national
security and defence policy should be aimed,
among other areas, at ensuring information and
cyber security of Ukraine. The National Security
and Defence Council of Ukraine must inform the
public about its activities through its official
website or mass media. The duty of informing the
population through the mass media about the
national security objectives is also assigned to
local executive bodies. Article 10 Public
Oversight of this Law states that mass media
should inform society about the state of
protection of Ukraine’s national interests. The
task of counterintelligence protection of cyber
security and information security is assigned to
the Security Service of Ukraine. Besides, a
special government body — the State Service for
Special Communications and Information
Protection of Ukraine — operates in Ukraine to
ensure, among other things, the protection of
critically important information, as well as the
functioning and development of
telecommunications.
The Law of Ukraine “On Information”
(Law 2657-XII, 2023) states that ensuring
information security of Ukraine is one of the
main directions of the state information policy in
the country. Article 6 of this Law states that the
right to information is ensured by the obligation
of subjects of power to inform the public and
mass media about their activities and decisions
made. Mass media are defined in the Law as one
of the sources of legal information. The entire
Section 3 of the Law fully deals with the
activities of journalists, mass media and their
employees, including the prohibition of
interference in their activities, guarantees of
activities, etc. Article 24(2) determines that
control over the content of information
disseminated by the mass media is prohibited,
including that it is not possible to prevent the
mass media from disseminating (not
disseminating) certain information, criticizing
political figures, forcing the concealment of
information important to society, etc. (except for
cases provided by law).
The Law of Ukraine “On State Support of the
Mass Media and Social Protection of Journalists”
(Law 540/97-ВР, 2023) establishes the specifics
of the organization of financial, economic and
other state support for the mass media, and also
regulates the issue of preventing monopolization
of markets in the field information activity,
regulates the aspects of privatization in the field,
and also establishes the equality of mass media
of different forms of ownership.
The Information Security Strategy (Decision
n0080525-21, 2021) defines key national and
global challenges in the information sphere. The
key global challenges include the growing
number of global campaigns aimed at spreading
misinformation in society, the information policy
of the Russian Federation, the influence of social
networks, and the low level of media literacy of
the population. National challenges in the
information sphere are primarily connected with
the propaganda of the Russian Federation — the
information influence of the aggressor on the
people of Ukraine, its informational dominance
in the temporarily occupied territories,
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ineffective response to misinformation
campaigns, inappropriate structure of the
strategic communications system, ineffective
regulation of relations in the field of information
and protection of journalists, manipulation of
public consciousness regarding European and
Euro-Atlantic integration, etc. In response to
these challenges, the Information Security
Strategy defines a list of strategic goals aimed at
countering propaganda, developing media
culture, improving media literacy of the
population, etc.
In the context of the study, more recent
documents relating directly to the activities of
social providers and European integration,
harmonization of national legislation with
European legislation, and establishment of
relevant communications should be considered
separately. The first is the Law of Ukraine “On
Media” (Law 2849-IX, 2023b) developed by
Ukrainian specialists in cooperation with the
international partners and business
representatives in the media field. The scope of
this law extends to the entire media sphere —
from printed publications, radio and television to
Internet media. The law is aimed at counteracting
the information policy of the aggressor and
preventing the restriction of freedom of speech,
and is also consistent with the norms and
requirements of the EU.
Another important document is the Strategy for
Communication of European integration for
2018-2021 (hereinafter — the Strategy). This
document provides that the state information
space is formed by state communication
resources, Ukrainian politicians, EU institutions,
analytical and research centres, mass media, and
public associations. The activities of the latter are
regulated by another legislative act mentioned
above — the Law of Ukraine “On Public
Associations” (Law 4572-VI, 2013). The
Strategy notes that Ukrainians’ perception of
European integration depends not only on the
national information system, but also on the
negative influence of Russian propaganda. The
main factor in the process of planning
communication activities should be the level of
understanding and attitude of the population
towards European values and readiness to act. It
is also important to take into account socio-
demographic characteristics, as well as indicators
of mass information consumption.
The effectiveness of the current legislative acts,
the amendments thereto made after the beginning
of the large-scale invasion, as well as the
information policy in general can be analysed by
evaluating the indicators of mass information
consumption. The next subsection analyses some
indicators of mass information consumption,
which demonstrate the level of public trust in
strategic public policy providers, quality of
information, main sources, etc.
Mass information consumption indicators
How can the impact and effectiveness of public
policy providers be assessed, and what key
indicators can be used in such an assessment?
The analysis of mass information consumption
indicators will be used to assess the impact and
effectiveness of strategic public policy providers
in the context of war and European integration.
The most important indicators in this study are
the level of trust of the population in social
institutions, the main sources of information, the
assessment of the quality of media materials, and
the level of media literacy of the population.
These indicators demonstrate the level of
efficiency of social providers, while
demonstrating the population’s attitude towards
them. The indicator of the level of media literacy
gives grounds for a more objective interpretation
of the obtained results. Figure 3 shows the results
of a survey on the level of trust of Ukrainian
citizens in certain social institutions.
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Figure 3. Dynamics of trust in social institutions, % trust (Hrushetskyi, 2023)
The data in Figure 3 indicate an increased trust of
Ukrainians in all social institutions in 2022
compared to 2021, except for the church and the
Russian mass media. Among other things, this
result demonstrates the effectiveness of social
providers. In 2022, the trust in mass media
increased by 25%, more than half of surveyed
Ukrainians trust mass media. A positive shift is
the decreased trust in the Russian mass media,
which shows the effectiveness of state policy and
the activities of social providers in the field of
countering propaganda and misinformation,
which is defined as a strategic goal in many
legislative acts to ensure the security and
development of the information sphere. Figure 4
shows the sources from which Ukrainians get
current information.
Figure 4. Use of media for reading news during the month (USAID-Internews, 2022)
Therefore, we can note the further growth of the
influence of social networks as a source of
current information and news for Ukrainians
(about 74% of respondents use them). Less than
half of the respondents also use Internet news
sites and TV as sources of information (42% and
36%, respectively). The popularity of radio and
print editions is significantly lower (11% and
3%, respectively). Figure 5 shows how
Ukrainians evaluate the received information.
72
27
68 63
29 30 32
14
51
11 3
96
84 84
71 63 58 57 52 52 44 35 25 21
1
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
31%
6% 9% 1%
43%
36% 27%
10% 3%
26%
58% 64%
89% 97%
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
Social networks Internet news sites TV Radio Printed editions
Only this source Along with other news sources Does not use
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Figure 5. Assessment of the quality of materials about the course of the war (USAID-Internews, 2022)
Therefore, more than half of Ukrainians believe
that they receive an appropriate analysis of the
events, and the information is prompt and
reliable. More than half of the respondents have
doubts that the provided information is accurate
and complete. It can be concluded that
respondents’ satisfaction with the quality of
information provided by public policy providers
is medium. Figure 6 supplements the analysis of
survey results with a study of the criteria for
media literacy of the population.
As can be summarized from Figure 6, some
criteria of media literacy of the population do not
differ in stable decreasing or increasing trends. A
positive factor is a relatively stable increase in
the share of respondents paying attention to the
source of news. However, in 2022, the share of
respondents who take into account whether
different points of view are presented in the
source in their judgments reduced. It can be
assumed that during the war, the point of view on
events is determined primarily by considerations
regarding the national security of Ukraine and
countering the aggressor, which is supported by
the majority of social providers. Therefore, many
Ukrainians do not consider other points of view,
which may indicate increased national unity of
Ukrainians in opposing the aggressor. The
second chart shows the indicators that show the
insufficient media literacy awareness of the
population. The trends of these indicators are
more prone to fluctuations than the trends in the
first chart, but the share of respondents who do
not know how to distinguish trustworthy
information most predictably decreases.
Figure 6. Evaluation of media literacy (USAID-Internews, 2022)
64% 63% 56% 49% 46%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
An analysis of the
events that took
place was carried out
The information was
provided promptly The information is
reliable The information is
accurate The information is
complete
24 25 23
28 27
35 34
39
0
28 26
29 26 32 31
26
13 11 12 14 13 13 16 15
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022
I pay attention to the source/origin of the
news
I pay attention to whether different points
of view are presented
I pay attention to the owners of the
magazine/newspaper/radio
29
19 21
26 24 22 24 22
24
28 27 25
33
20
14
20
12 11 11 97 7 65
66757 7 45
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022
I don't have specific signs, intuitively
I trust my favorite media, those that I know
and to which I am used to
I don't know how to distinguish information
that can be trusted
Difficult to say
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Discussion
The analysis carried out in the article gives
grounds to conclude that strategic public policy
providers have a significant influence on the
information policy of the state. In turn,
information policy shapes the mood of the
population and is the main weapon in the
psychological and information war waged by the
aggressor country. The study of legislative
changes and the assessment of the mass
information consumption by the population of
Ukraine provides the basic framework of the
activities of strategic public policy providers. On
the one hand, they should function within the
limits of the law and have appropriate regulation.
On the other hand, they meet the needs of the
population in terms of ensuring access to relevant
and timely information. information, protect the
interests of the Armed Forces and the country as
a whole.
It is important to note the work of Kurgat and
Jerop (2023) in the context of the study. The
researchers study different views regarding the
relationship between mass media and society. On
the one hand, mass media can be considered as
an important source of information for people,
and therefore they significantly influence
people’s behaviour and their decisions. On the
other hand, some approaches note that society
influences the mass media to the extent that the
latter are perceived as the voice of the people. So,
mass media can both influence public opinion
and be a means of its reflection. The research
conducted in the article does not demonstrate
such relationships, and it is difficult to judge
from its results whether public policy providers
are the voice of the population or influence the
opinions themselves. However, the state of war
significantly strengthened the national unity. So,
it can be assumed that the sentiments of
Ukrainians coincide with the main theses of
national public policy providers and have a
mutual influence.
The study found that modern users mostly
receive information through online media. A
number of studies identify the threats associated
with this trend. Soroka and Wlezien (2019)
established that the issue of public policy
coverage by mass media is particularly important
in the era of digitalization. The researchers
established that in modern democratic countries,
the mass media can both inform and mislead the
population for a specific purpose. Baum and
Potter (2019) noted that modern changes in
media and politics associated with the
development of Internet technologies can
contribute to increased instability in foreign
policy, causing unexpected and destabilizing
changes in public sentiments. McGregor (2019)
notes the narrowing and distortion of the nature
of the state system among the negative
consequences of the emergence and development
of social networks. For journalists, using social
media for studying public opinion, extends
opportunities and also gives marginalized voices
easier access to elites. On the other hand, the
public sentiments created by social media are not
comprehensive and representative. That is, while
social media can help expand journalistic
understanding of public opinion, it is important
to interpret it contextually, taking into account
other sources of information about public
opinion. Habermas (2022) notes that the
consequences of digitalization regarding the role
of mass media in the public sphere can lead to the
expansion and fragmentation of this sphere, as
well as the transformation of almost any of its
participants into a potential author. The
researchers prove that the spread of digital mass
media decreases the role of classic mass media,
and also poses threats to the traditional role of the
public sphere in terms of the formation of
discursive opinion and will. This is explained by
the development of digital media outside the
commercial sphere, and the low control of
communications on the Internet. As a result, this
threatens shaping public opinion of an
increasingly large share of the population in a
rational way.
A study by Arroyave and Romero-Moreno
(2022) analyses how the spread of
misinformation and manipulation through digital
media caused the rejection of the 2016 peace
agreement in Colombia. For this purpose, the
researchers analysed Twitter accounts using
multimodal and sentiment analysis. It was
determined that similar manipulations were
adapted and used in digital media as in traditional
media, but greater penetration of such
manipulations and weaker control worsened the
situation. As a result, Twitter contributed to the
rejection of the peace agreement by citizens, in
which propaganda played not the least role.
Studying information on Twitter regarding the
attitude of the population of the EU countries to
the relations between the EU and China, India
and the Russian Federation, Schmitt (2021)
established that the interest of citizens in this
problem is growing. EU citizens express the least
positive attitude towards the EU’s relations with
the Russian Federation. With regard to the
Russian Federation, the EU is ready to use more
decisive and firm language, as well as to discuss
issues in the field of conflicts with Ukraine,
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Syria, and Iran. Besides, the spread of
propaganda and misinformation by the Russian
Federation is often mentioned. Konstankevych et
al. (2022) study the use of “simulacra” as an
element of the informational struggle of the
Russian Federation against Ukraine. The
researchers define this term as images of things
that do not exist in reality. The examples may
include anti-Ukrainian “simulacra” regarding
“Nazis in Ukraine”, “fascists in Kyiv”, “crucified
children”, “atrocities of punitive battalions” and
“Ukraine’s use of prohibited weapons”. The aim
of using these "simulacra" is to change the
perceptions of the nature of the conflict in the
target groups for the aggressor’s needs.
These works mostly focus on the threats posed by
digitalization in the context of the public policy
providers, in particular, destabilization of the
relationship between the state and society
through misinformation and propaganda. The
analysis carried out in the article confirms this
opinion — the influence of pro-Russian
propaganda through all communication
channels, including digital ones, is destabilizing
and threatens national interests. The study also
noted positive trends for the case of Ukraine —
the growth of the public trust in the Ukrainian
mass media and other national institutions, the
development of the legislation to regulate and
support public policy providers, etc. Digitization
also plays not the last role in these processes, as
it penetrates into all spheres of public relations
more and more deeply, and digital channels are
leading for obtaining information.
Mass media can be defined as the main providers
of public information, however, public
organizations are closely related to mass media,
can disseminate information through media
resources, and also own them. Therefore, the
work takes into account the studies that reveal the
peculiarities of the activities of public
organizations along with mass media. Vozniuk
(2021) emphasizes the important role of public
organizations in the protection of Ukraine’s
cyberspace. The researcher notes that public and
volunteer organizations, without coercion or
calls from the state authorities, independently
resist information threats, as well as record
videos (including in Luhansk and Donetsk),
reveal information about the movement of
Russian troops, refute fakes and misinformation.
Besides, public organizations influence the state
authorities, forcing them to settle certain issues
of information protection of state authorities,
disseminate information on the appropriate use
of social networks and increase media literacy of
the population.
Cooperation of state bodies with such
organizations in information protection,
optimization of communication in other states,
disclosure of the mechanism of pro-Russian
forces on EU society, the budget of public
organizations, etc. remain problematic aspects of
the activities of public organizations. Prykhodko
and Dokalenko (2020) identified a number of
problems that exist in the interaction between
public authorities and civil society institutions in
Ukraine. Imperfect and/or lack of legislative
regulation of certain issues of interaction was
noted among such shortcomings, which may
result in reluctance to cooperate. Moreover, there
are cases when individual representatives of
public organizations could abuse their position
and even oppose the organization to the
authorities, which interferes with the work of the
authorities. Some public organizations are only
formal and do not have real leverage (for
example, there are a large number of anti-
corruption public organizations, but their
effectiveness remains low). Another problem is
the isolation of the authorities, which can cause
the inconsistency of some of their decisions with
the interests of the public. Civil society could
become the basis for the development of the
country, but the non-acceptance of reforms by
many citizens and their satisfaction with the
state’s paternalistic attitude towards them
becomes an obstacle thereto. So, public
organizations can bring significant benefits, in
particular, for ensuring information security and
informing the population. However, their
activities require increased attention, appropriate
regulation with respect to the rights of such
associations, as well as stimulation of their
socially beneficial activities.
Conclusions
The world experience proves that the role of
public policy providers – traditional and digital
media, public and volunteer organizations – can
be decisive in making decisions that directly and
significantly affect public life and national
security. They influence the public opinion,
inform the public about current events and
government decisions, improving the
information literacy of the population, protecting
the rights of citizens, ensuring information
security, and combating misinformation. The
research found that the state authorities of
Ukraine attach great importance to the
development and support of public policy
providers, especially in the context of improving
the legislative framework. The government of
Ukraine adopted a number of regulatory legal
acts on the activity of public policy providers
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after the full-scale invasion. They concerned, in
particular, harmonization of their activities with
the norms and standards of the European Union.
The analysis of the results of public surveys
confirms the effectiveness of the activities of
social providers by increasing the trust of the
population in social institutions. The medium
level of satisfaction with the information
provided among the population was also
established. Most of the respondents get up-to-
date information online. No significant changes
in the trends of media literacy indicators of the
population were found. The results of the study
can be applied by government representatives
and public policy providers to improve their
efficiency in the context of choosing the optimal
sources for information coverage, as well as
identifying aspects to which attention should be
strengthened. In particular, this is the quality of
information provided, as well as the level of
media literacy of the population. Further research
may focus on a detailed analysis of the impact of
manipulation, misinformation and propaganda
on the public opinion during the war and in the
context of European integration using the
example of one of the leading online media
channels.
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