Volume 12 - Issue 62
/ February 2023
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.62.02.2
How to Cite:
Flores Borjabad, S.A. (2023). The arab cartoon: from arab spring to arab spring 2.0. Amazonia Investiga, 12(62), 33-44.
https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.62.02.2
The arab cartoon: from arab spring to arab spring 2.0
La caricatura árabe: de la Primavera Árabe a la Primavera Árabe 2.0
Received: February 15, 2023 Accepted: March 18, 2023
Written by:
Salud Adelaida Flores Borjabad1
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1739-3229
Web of Science ResearcherIDABI-1425-2020
Abstract
Political cartoons in the Arab world have been
regarded as an alternative form of media. They have
been viewed as a means of peaceful protest, which
gained significant momentum during the Arab
Spring of 2011. Furthermore, the development of
political cartoons was heavily influenced by Web
2.0, which facilitated the emergence of a synthetic
society online. Despite this, political cartoons have
continued to evolve and have become an essential
tool for demonstrations and protests in the Arab
world following the Arab Spring. One noteworthy
example is Algeria, where a wave of
demonstrations in February 2019 saw political
cartoons wielded as an extremely powerful tool.
As a result, the main objectives of this research are
to study political cartoons in the context of the Arab
Spring and to analyze whether there exists an Arab
Spring 2.0, in which political cartoons have been
further consolidated. To achieve these objectives, a
qualitative methodology was employed, involving
the analysis of various documents. In addition, a
visual ethnographic method was utilized to describe
the sample population under investigation.
Ultimately, this research represents an attempt to
analyze a new phenomenon characterized by
evolution. In other words, it seeks to determine
whether the Arab Spring 2.0 represents a new
version of revolution, in which political cartoons
play a key role.
Keywords: Cartoons, Arab, mass media, cultural
revolution, cultural identity.
Introduction
The political cartoon in the Arab world has been
characterized since its inception as an alternative
means of communication. It emerged as a
weapon of peaceful protest, which was
1
Doctora en Estudios Filológicos – Universidad de Sevilla – España.
consolidated with the development of the Arab
Spring. This was reinforced by the development
of Web 2.0 and the synthetic society online,
which contributed to the importance of the
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political cartoon, becoming a form of resistance
art. However, this art has continued to evolve and
solidify to the point where it has become an
essential element in recent social and political
movements in the Arab world. One significant
case is that of Algeria, after the revolution
initiated against the president's intention to run
for re-election and continue in office. In some
way, this fact has materialized in the political
cartoons, as the cartoonist Ali Dilem was
concerned with transmitting the revolts using
cartoons as a reference on social networks such
as Facebook or Twitter. Thus, gradually, a virtual
community has been created whose origin is in
the Arab Spring, but in this case, it has gone
beyond, as their cartoons have comments and the
participation of citizens in the political-creative
process.
Therefore, this work presents a series of
objectives that have been developed. The
objectives set for this work are: (1) to study the
political cartoon in the Arab Spring; (2) to
analyze its evolution after the Arab Spring; (3) to
observe if there is a consolidated Arab Spring
2.0; and (4) to study the political cartoon in these
new revolutions that are taking place.
Theoretical Framework
As a primary source, the most recent cartoons of
Ali Dilem have been used. These cartoons were
chosen because they best reflect the situation of
the revolutions in Algeria. Furthermore, these
cartoons had the most impact as they went viral
thanks to the development of social media.
Therefore, they have been analyzed, observed,
and studied in order to see how society has
reacted to them.
The objective of this study is to demonstrate that
the Arab Spring is still alive and has evolved,
giving way to a new phase in which cartoons
have become the protagonists. This has been
driven by the use of social media, indicating a
clear second phase that is likely to continue
evolving.
Methodology
To carry out all of this, a theoretical approach to
the state in question has been developed. On the
one hand, a qualitative research based on data
collection has been carried out in order to study
and analyze them. Once this was done, an
analysis and synthesis process was developed to
help organize all that information and
subsequently create new information. On the
other hand, a visual ethnographic method has
also been employed to analyze the images, not
only looking at the forms and structures but also
the meaning and impact these images have on
society.
Results and Discussion
The Arab Spring 2.0: The Awakening of
Algeria.
The emergence of the Arab Spring was
contingent upon the utilization of the internet.
Novel technologies played a critical role in
facilitating the various revolutions that transpired
across multiple Arab nations in 2010. Phrases
such as "Facebook Revolution" and "Twitter
Revolution" were employed to depict the
seamless and decentralized exchange of
information among numerous online users, while
efforts to constrain the dissemination of
information proved futile. Furthermore,
mainstream media outlets took note of the
developments once they recognized the events
that were transpiring on social media platforms.
The movements were coordinated and structured
in virtual space before materializing into
revolutionary action on the streets. (Martínez,
2018).
Thus, a network society had emerged that
presented a social structure composed of
networks activated by digital communication and
information technologies based on
microelectronics (Castells, 2009). The
networked society was structured around a realm
of communication channels that facilitated the
technological and organizational feasibility of
practicing synchronicity without proximity, and
thus, without the requirement for physical co-
location. Additionally, it was sustained by a
social construct of time that, to some extent,
obliterated chronology by disrupting
sequentiality through the utilization of
information technologies, thereby amalgamating
the present, past, and future in a haphazard
manner (Castells, 2009). Similarly, society can
be conceptualized as an array of cultural
creations that strive to identify their cultural
heritage as a historical marker, and endeavor to
establish a culture of communicative protocols
across all cultures worldwide, founded on a
shared conviction in the potential of networks
and the benefits of mutual exchange.
Consequently, the utilization of social media and
information and communication technology
(ICT) is aimed at reinforcing Arab culture and
introducing a fresh perception of culture that
encompasses the entire Arab world, while
simultaneously engaging with a global culture
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that mitigates apprehension towards others.
(Castells, 2009). Thus, it can be said that the
development of the internet during the Arab
Spring was an innovative fact because it gave
way to mobile computing capable of developing
and improving communication standards, while
creating a significant virtual community.
However, the impact of the popular movement
aimed at achieving greater democratization
varied across different countries. In the case of
Algeria, although the movement had an impact,
the regime took measures to mitigate its effects
by publicly acknowledging the need for reforms,
particularly in its Constitution. The first measure
taken was to lift the State of Emergency that had
been in place since 1992. In addition, President
Buteflika made statements in favor of
normalizing relations with Morocco as part of its
foreign policy. However, these actions were
largely a response to the unstable environment in
North Africa and a desire to project an image of
the Algerian government as willing to listen to
the voices calling for fundamental changes.
Nonetheless, in May 2012, elections were held in
which the former ruling party, the National
Liberation Front (FLN), led by Abdelaziz
Buteflika, won a clear victory with 221 out of 462
seats in the National People's Assembly. The
second party was the National Democratic Rally
(RND), which was also closely aligned with the
government, with 70 seats. On the other hand, the
Islamists, who had presented a joint candidacy
called the "Green Alliance," were the biggest
losers. Consequently, the regime emerged
strengthened despite the reported irregularities
committed during the electoral process by the
opposition, low turnout, and a high number of
blank or null votes. (Torres, 2013).
However, the state of passivity did not endure for
long. Protests against Buteflika began to emerge
in soccer stadiums. In 2018, the chant of a group
of USM Alger team supporters, named "Casa del
Muradia," garnered over a million views on
YouTube. The song played on the name of the
presidential palace, Muradia, and the title of the
Spanish series "La casa de papel," which was
broadcast overseas by Netflix, alluding to the
Algerian civil war, the country's crisis, and
Buteflika's health. Moreover, in the last months
of December 2018, there was a surge in the
detention of journalists, artists, footballers, and
others. As for the president's response, the
presidency had announced that Buteflika would
travel to Geneva for a "routine medical check-
up." Buteflika had not made a public appearance
in a long time. In 2012, he gave a speech, and in
2013, he suffered a stroke, so his public
appearances had been infrequent since then. As a
result, many believed that he would not seek re-
election, but on February 10, 2019, he expressed
his intention to run in a letter addressed to
Algerians. This set off an unrelenting wave of
demonstrations. (Peregil, 2019). After weeks of
protests, Abdelaziz Buteflika renounced his bid
for a fifth term and postponed the presidential
elections, although the protests continued.
Therefore, the president's withdrawal was more
symbolic than anything else (La Vanguardia,
2019).
All of this situation led to the development of a
new form of Arab Spring known as Arab Spring
2.0. It seems that the revolutionary spirit of Arab
youth had not died down, as the protests that
developed were similar. In addition to this, it
should be noted that the economic situation had
not improved much in the years following the
Arab Spring, which somewhat exacerbated the
development of the protests (Shankar IAS
Academy, 2019).
However, the analogy to other revolutions during
the Arab Spring is pertinent. In fact, the crisis in
Algeria is rooted in the history of the Arab
Spring, where social issues were left unresolved,
subsequent political reorganization was
irregular, and voters and institutions were bribed
to accept the extravagance and promises of oil
revenues. Nonetheless, challenges to leadership
also began to emerge in neighboring nations.
Political protests arose in Sudan, while a military
coup was attempted in Libya. In Egypt, a strict
security regime and brutal repression suppressed
dissent, but civil society eventually rose up.
Similarly, various countries exhibited
comparable symptoms of illness and maturity for
change. Their economies showed excessive
dependence on revenues from resource
extraction, high levels of debt, socioeconomic
imbalances and poverty, a weak safety net,
informal labor markets, and low business
competitiveness. In their political spheres, they
tended to have a strong clique of commercial or
military interests directing the country and
selecting weak, elderly, and distant leaders.
Moreover, civic groups throughout the Arab
region were closely monitoring the Algerian
struggle to evaluate their own prospects for
achieving political change. Algeria is the largest
country in the Arab region, and indeed Africa, by
geography, and one of the largest by population.
The outcome of events in Algeria would have
ramifications for the economy and politics of the
region as a whole. (Hlasny, 2019).
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Cartooning in the Arab Spring
The Arab Spring is understood as a revolutionary
wave of demonstrations and protests that began
on December 18, 2010 in the Arab world. The
events took place on December 17 of the same
year, when a Tunisian man posted a small video
on his Facebook wall. This video depicted a
nonviolent protest against the Tunisian
government, which was instigated by a striking
communicative gesture: the self-immolation of
the protagonist's cousin as a form of dissent
against economic hardship and the oppressive
actions of the authoritarian police regime in
Tunisia.As a consequence, the Tunisian
government had imposed an information
blockade on the massive demonstrations, so
posting the video on the Facebook social network
was considered an act of informational resistance
(Eko, 2012).
This wave of demonstrations spread to other
countries, such as Egypt, Yemen, Libya, and
Syria. Thus, Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen entered
a period of uncertain transition, while Syria and
Libya became embroiled in civil conflict, while
the wealthy Gulf monarchies remained virtually
unchanged by the events. Hence, it is probable
that characterizing the rebellions in these nations
as a catalyst for enduring transformation would
be more advantageous. The principal inheritance
of the Arab Spring lay in dispelling the notion of
political and governmental elite's apathy.
Consequently, states steered clear of public
uprisings by endeavoring to maintain societal
placidity and torpor. (Manfreda, 2019).
In this particular context, art facilitated a
revolutionary shift from singularity to
multiplicity and diversity, with the aim of
establishing equilibrium between the newfound
liberty and considerable fragility. Its scope
extended beyond the manifestation of political
and social upheavals, encompassing a transition
towards an artistic revolution. Furthermore, this
form of art was geared towards expressing the
release from former restrictions on art and
culture, brought on by political and social
limitations associated with the previous
regime.Therefore, not only does it show the
ambivalence and tension experienced in these
countries, but also the instability and fragility of
the democratic transition process. Thus, the goal
of these artists was to become alternative voices
of the revolution, through visual and
multisensory forms, combining semiotics,
politics, and poetics, with the participation of the
viewer incorporated into the formation of
discourse (Shilton, 2013).
Thus, cartoons found an ideal space to develop.
The Arab Spring provided immense inspiration
to regional cartoonists, enabling them to break
free from the fear that had been haunting them
and sharpen their pencils in order to provoke
reflection among the various dictatorial
governments (AFP, 2011). These drawings
sketched out the events happening on the streets
and their aim was to incite the population to react
against the different regimes. Therefore, young
people in these countries used cartoons to fuel
anger against the dictators and to urge society to
take to the streets to demand peace and freedom,
as a single image could better reach all sectors of
the population. Thus, during the Arab Spring,
cartoons continued to evolve, as they not only
criticized the government but also became a
symbol of revolution (Kushkush, 2013).
During the Arab Spring's development,
opposition to authoritarian control over
information manifested through information
activists in cyberspace, who utilized the internet
and social networks to mobilize youth and
society as a whole in demanding political, social,
and economic rights, as well as a change in the
governing regime. These information activists
harnessed the power of the internet and
associated emerging social networks as a novel
means of expression. Consequently, social media
emerged as a new tool of resistance against
informational repression, enabling the
population to rally against their respective
governments. In response, the governments
resorted to communication tactics, including
censorship of telecommunications infrastructure,
the internet, and social networks, while
maintaining control over traditional media. In the
face of such control, activists joined forces with
hacktivist allies to subvert government efforts to
control information, and to report to the world the
pressures they were under. These events
ultimately redefined the internet and social
media, giving rise to new alternative
communication channels that enabled the
circumvention of state boundaries. (Eko, 2012).
Consequently, cartoons have found the internet
to be an ideal medium for criticizing politics and
emerging society due to fewer obstacles than
those in newspapers and the ability to reach a
broader audience. As a result, social networks
have become a critical platform for the
dissemination of this art. The invention of social
networks and their use through the internet has
facilitated enhanced communication, enabling
individuals worldwide to access this content
from any location. (Hicks, 2009).
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However, the novelty of this art lies in the fact
that for the first time presidents were represented
without any taboos. Until then, the
representations were impersonal and universal,
for the most part, meaning that the caricatures
could be applied to any country. However, the
development of the Arab Spring led to the
creation of drawings that directly represented the
presidents, that is, they began to be directly
related to each country, while spreading through
cyberspace and going around the world,
promoting a spirit of unity and identity that had
developed in a virtual community that had
materialized in the demonstrations (Flores,
2017).
The Cartoon in the Arab Spring 2.0
Caricature as a form of resistance had become a
significant art during the Arab Spring. It had
found an ideal means of communication for
society to participate in a political and social
process, where creativity was key to attracting
attention. Thus, caricature had become a way of
inciting revolution, and during the course of the
Arab Spring 2.0, it was no different. Different
cartoonists emerged, but Ali Dilem stood out
significantly among them. This artist was already
famous for having been sentenced to a year in
prison and a fine of 50,000 dinars (550 euros) for
dozens of cartoons he published in the newspaper
Liberté in 2003 referring to President Bouteflika.
Dilem was convicted under Article 144b of the
Algerian Criminal Code, which allows for
imprisonment for two to twelve months as well
as a fine for "insulting" or defaming the president
(Memri, 2006). Thus, Ali Dilem was already a
well-known cartoonist for his exceptional vision
of Algeria's political situation. He had already
shown his opinion on the National Liberation
Front Party, the army, and Islamist action. In fact,
he had been sentenced to death during the civil
war, and more than 20 cases had been opened
against him (Anónimo, 2019).
Therefore, Ali Dilem began to depict the
different protests and the speeches of the
president and army in response to such reactions
through his drawings. However, this time he used
social media as a platform to publish them, as its
reach was superior to other media. In addition to
this, publishing them on the network allowed him
to foster that virtual community that had
developed in the Arab Spring, consolidating in
this significant upturn.
Figure 1. The Algerians protest against Bouteflika's 5th term (Dilem, 2019a).
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In this cartoon, we can see the demonstrations in
Algeria during February and March 2019. Two
distinct groups can be appreciated. On one side,
there are the protesters holding up signs with the
number 5 crossed out, referring to Bouteflika's
fifth mandate. Others carry Algerian flags while
demanding that he leaves. The clothing of these
demonstrators also draws attention, as they wear
worn-out clothes as an index of the economic
problems the country has been suffering for
years. On the other side, there is the police force.
They are all in uniform and equipped, ready to
face the demonstrators. The police leader also
carries a megaphone and shouts at the society:
"Go back to social media!". Therefore, the
objective of this cartoon is to accentuate the
repression of the demonstration, as well as the
development of the network society that allowed
the demonstrations to be organized online. It
should not be forgotten that the online
community was so strong that it manifested itself
on the streets. That is, the network generated a
virtual community in which the subjects
organized under the same cultural code to such
an extent that it materialized in the streets in an
astonishing way.
However, the result of the use of social media
was surprising. On one hand, it allowed for
public interaction, so that the figure of the
presumed solidified. For example, this cartoon
was posted on Facebook and has received over
1,200 likes. In addition, users have made more
than 55 comments and it has been shared more
than 686 times, generating greater reach and
creating a space to discuss this topic using the
cartoon as a bridge. In other words, this drawing
has contributed to the society participating in a
creative process, accentuating the sense of art as
resistance (Dilem, 2019a). Likewise, this image
was also posted on the social media platform
Twitter.
Figure 2. Bouteflika resigns from a 5th 5-year terms (Dilem, 2019c).
The favorite social network of the caricaturist is Twitter.
Although he has an account on Facebook, he tends to use his
Twitter account more frequently, so his most recent cartoons
can be found on Twitter. However, on Facebook, they tend to
have a greater impact.